UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


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THE  UBRARY  OF  THE 
UNIVERSITY  OF 
NORTH  CAROUNA 
AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


ENDOWED  BY  THE 
DIALECTIC  AND  PHILANTHROPIC 
SOCIETIES 


E353.1 

L9 


This  book  is  due  ; 
last  date  stampec* 
renewed  by  brin' 

DATE  p. 
DUE 

NOV  2  8 

1994 

rlAY  ( 

)  4  -im 

WHfT- 

:- 

Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2014 


https://archive.org/details/commodoreoliverhOOIyma 


Commodore 
Oliver  Hazard  Perry 

and  — 

v'^f  HORTf 

The  War  on  the  Izafees 


OLIN  L.  LYM\^N 

Author  of 

The  Trail  of  the  Grand  SeigneurT^c. 


NEW  YORK 

NEW  AMSTERDAM  BOOK  COMPANY 

/905 


E  3  53 


Copyrighted,  1905 
NEW  AMSTERDAM  BOOK  COMPANY 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I,  KooT  AND  Branch      .....  1 

II.  Growth   18 

III.  Ad  Interim  

IV.  The  Frontier   57 

V.  The  Fbontier— Continued .      .      .      .  105 

VI.  The  Battle  of  Lake  Erie     .      .      .  131 

VII.  Controversies     .      .      .      .      .  .172 

VIII.  After  the  Battle   207 

IX.  The  Mediterranean  .      .      .      .      .  223 

X.  The  Last  Cruise   238 


CHAPTER  I 


ROOT  AND  BRANCa 

WE  HAVE  met  the  enemy  and  they 
are  ours." 

It  is  a  national  slogan,  passed  in 
perpetuity  down  through  the  generations  that 
own  allegiance  to  this  iron-thewed,  majestic 
young  giant  of  the  West,  the  United  States  of 
America.  First  learned  in  the  schoolroom,  it 
may  lie  dormant  in  some  dark  cranny  of  the 
brain  in  the  after-time,  when  the  boy  has  become 
a  man  and  is  battling  with  the  world  in  search 
of  pelf  or  power  or  whatever  bubble  he  pursues ; 
but  let  that  phrase  once  more  chance  to  fall 
beneath  his  eye,  though  he  be  gray  and  grim 
with  the  conflict,  across  the  gap  of  years  there 
sweeps  the  odd,  remembered  thrill,  and  he  tingles 
to  his  finger-tips.  For  it  is  through  the  im- 
mortal inspiration  of  such  traditions  that  the 
men  of  a  nation  hold  in  fee  their  birthright,  a 
birthright  that  demands  and  receives  the  sacri- 
fice of  blood  and  brain  and  brawn  for  the  sim- 
ple, God-sent  joy  of  giving  them.    Indeed,  the 


2 


OLIVER  HAZAED  PERRY 


divine  spirit  of  patriotism  itself  furnishes  a 
crushing  refutation  of  the  materiahst's  conten- 
tion of  the  non-existence  of  a  soul. 

Words  are  pigments,  mixed  as  may  be,  to  be 
splashed,  with  more  or  less  regard  for  art  and 
truth,  upon  the  scroll  of  finite  achievement. 
The  hopeless  tyro  of  the  studio,  in  a  series  of 
tentative  dabs,  can  but  feebly  approach  artistic 
canons,  while  the  power  of  genius  guides  the 
brush  of  the  master  in  a  few  free,  all-potent 
strokes  that  make  of  the  dead,  blank  canvas  a 
thing  of  life,  of  virile  power  and  beauty.  And 
so  with  words.    It  was  Stevenson  who  wrote  : 

"  Bright  is  the  ring  of  words 
When  the  right  man  rings  them," 

and  it  is  well  worth  while  to  consider  a  moment 
how  few  strokes  of  a  pen  have  served  certain 
word-painters  among  the  conquerors  of  the  past 
to  frame  messages  of  odds  o'ercome  which  elec- 
trified their  generation,  and,  as  enduring  clas- 
sics, will  continue  ringing  down  the  grooves  of 
time.  Brief  they  are,  but  their  brevity  holds  all 
in  all;  they  thrill  the  soul  with  the  glory,  the 
completeness,  of  the  tale  that  is  told.  Because 
of  the  splendid  epitome  of  effort  which  they 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH 


3 


spell,  they  become  the  deathless  heritage  of  men. 
Their  very  brevity  the  more  bespeaks  the  simple 
grandeur  of  the  great  minds  that  framed  them, 
minds  that  busied  themselves  more  with  the 
details  of  herculean  labors  to  be  performed  than 
with  the  subsequent  record  of  their  accomplish- 
ment. 

That  some  of  these  briefly  glorious  messages 
seem  closely  related,  one  to  the  other,  is  not 
strange.  The  souls  of  such  men  are  kin.  Sim- 
plicity and  directness,  in  the  use  of  the  quill  as 
in  all  else,  is  characteristic  of  the  truly  great. 
Therefore,  if  the  stripling  of  Put-in  Bay,  when 
he  penned  his  triumphant  messages  to  Harri- 
son and  Jones,  did  adopt  as  a  model  a  previ- 
ous laconic  document,  dispatched  under  like 
circumstances  by  the  greatest  of  England's  sea- 
fighters,  what  does  it  indicate?  Only  that  the 
younger  man  was  in  gallant  company"  and  that 
his  intrepid  soul  was  cast  in  the  same  simple, 
heroic  mold.  The  conclusions  reached  by  cer- 
tain captious  historians  must  inevitably  end  in 
this.  And  as  before  Perry  there  was  Nelson,  so 
before  Nelson  was  the  world-winning  Caesar, 
whose  "Veni,  vidi,  vici,'^  may  well  serve  as  a 
graphic  model  of  modest  brevity,  while  time 


4  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


endures,  for  all  the  sons  of  men  with  virility 
enough,  in  any  field,  to  conquer  the  sullen 
world.  Mere  words  are  sufficient  for  the  con- 
queror. It  is  only  the  defeated  apologist  who 
requires  reams. 

It  is  the  breathing,  embodied  soul  of  action, 
dynamic  and  irresistible,  that  insures  immor- 
tality to  words  like  these.  It  has  been  so  from 
the  beginning.  The  lion  heart,  that  knew  not 
how  to  quail  or  swerve,  has  swayed  the  world 
— and  the  ages  have  remembered.  Power  rules, 
and  for  it  there  exists  universally  and  forever 
the  fixed  and  changeless  instinct  of  primal  ad- 
miration. Centuries  ago  Rome  roared  at  the 
sight  of  the  gladiator  throttling  the  wild  beast 
in  the  arena ;  just  as  to-day  an  American  crowd 
goes  mad  at  the  savage  plunge  into  opposing 
humanity  of  a  young  giant  in  moleskins,  with 
a  pigskin  ball  under  his  arm.  Time  and  the 
peoples  change,  but  not  the  basic  principles 
of  being.  It  is  to-day  as  yesterday :  The 
soul  is  enthralled  at  the  sight  of  might  un- 
leashed, of  savage  battling  against  resisting 
odds.  The  fierce  tide  of  exultation  sweeps  over 
the  throng  in  mighty  waves,  and  the  resultant 
roar  narrows  astoundingly  the  gulf  of  time 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH  5 

between  the  present  and  the  dim,  primordial 
Stone  Age.  Why?  Because  the  mimic  struggle 
is  typical.    It  is  elementary ;  therefore  it  is  life. 

Of  the  peoples  of  to-day  there  is  no  nation 
whose  sons  are  more  potently  exerting  those 
unresting  energies  which  move  the  world,  than 
these  united  brethren  of  states,  the  strength 
of  the  West.  There  is  no  field  in  which  the 
American  has  not  left  the  impress  of  his  in- 
dividuality and  tireless  zeal.  If  an  alien  is 
minded  to  dispute  this  nation's  category  of 
virtues,  there  is  one  that  he  will  not  presume 
to  decry.  It  is  the  saving  grace  of  unwearied 
energy,  the  gift  of  eternally  keeping  at  it,  the 
gift  that  brings  results.  In  a  little  more  than 
a  century,  this  virtue  has  been  demonstrated 
through  the  gamut  of  human  endeavor,  in 
war  and  peace,  and  the  American  is  as  ag- 
gressive in  the  pursuits  of  one  as  the  other. 
And  more,  for  the  will  to  do  which  dominates 
the  national  character,  the  will  that  has  welded 
the  land  in  a  common  bond  of  sympathetic 
interest,  is  also  the  will  that  originally  weaned 
the  infant  from  its  mother  and  guided  it  aright 
in  a  separate  way. 

It  is  not  strange,  this  development  of  re- 


6  OLRTER  HAZAED  PERRY 


source,  when  one  considers  the  character  of  its 
forerunners,  those  good,  old  original  advance 
agents  of  prosperity.  It  has  benefited  the  world 
but  little,  and  that  unfortunate  continent  least 
of  all.  that  the  Spaniards,  after  fruitless  mis- 
sions to  the  northward,  flocked  to  South  Amer- 
ica. On  the  other  hand,  it  is  fortunate  for  the 
world  in  general,  and  this  nation  in  particular, 
that  the  trail  to  true  progessupon  the  Northern 
Continent  was  originally  blazed  by  Englishmen. 
Stout  arms  and  hearts,  a  love  alike  for  God 
and  liberty,  had  those  old  pioneers.  Undis- 
mayed by  the  fearful  odds  against  them,  they 
remained  where  others  would  have  fled.  Multi- 
plying like  the  green  things  of  the  spring,  as 
every  ship  brought  recruits,  they  stayed  on. 
The  enshrouding  trees  fell  before  their  axes, 
while  the  red  men  sullenly  gave  way.  slipping 
farther  and  farther  back  from  the  borders  into 
the  ever-narrowing  green  heart  of  the  virgin 
forest.  And  in  the  train  of  these  first  English- 
men there  came  gradually  the  best  blood,  the 
brawn  and  brain  of  the  common  people  of  the 
more  stable  of  the  European  lands,  whose  ad- 
vent spelled  force  and  all  the  resultant  recom- 
pense of  unremitting  toil.    And  so  on  till  the 


EOOT  AND  BRANCH  7 


awakening,  the  blood-pact  of  those  signers  of 
the  Declaration;  the  triumph;  the  stress  and 
victories  and  growth  of  the  ensuing  years.  To- 
day the  aborigine  is  a  fading  dream,  and  the 
broad  land  he  loved,  harnessed  and  webbed 
with  steel,  serves  the  Caucasian  and  the  world. 
With  the  blood  of  England  mingled  the  best 
strains  of  other  lands,  and  the  red  streams 
flowed  from  the  east  across  a  continent  to  the 
tide  of  the  western  sea.  The  land  too  young, 
too  raw  for  traditions,  forsooth?  Youth  such 
as  this  may  have  them.  It  is  a  national  his- 
tory, unique  in  the  record  of  a  world. 

While  many  a  man  who  has  done  things 
worth  doing  in  the  world  is  unable  to  give 
one  the  detailed  particulars  of  his  genealogical 
tree,  it  is  probable  that,  could  he  trace  back 
through  the  generations,  he  would  find  that  he 
owed  something  of  his  success  to  the  trans- 
mitted inheritance  of  heredity.  Perhaps  those 
early  ones  occupied  a  position  unvaryingly  ordi- 
nary, even  lowly  as  viewed  by  the  somewhat 
undis criminating  eyes  of  the  world,  but  there 
was  probably  a  constantly  recurring  something 
of  courage  and  capacity.  In  the  case  of  the 
subject  of  this  sketch,  however,  one  is  under 


8 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


no  necessity  to  waste  time  in  vague  speculation. 
Oliver  Hazard  Perry  was  the  logical  sequence 
of  useful  generations. 

He  was  the  son  of  Christopher  Raymond  and 
Sarah  Perry  and  was  born  Aug.  21,  1785,  at 
South  Kingston,  Washington  County,  State  of 
Rhode  Island.  This  town  is  situated  on  Narra- 
gansett  Bay,  opposite  Newport,  and  succeeding 
generations  of  its  inhabitants  have  distinguished 
themselves  in  nautical  lines.  With  other  intrepid 
souls  of  that  devoted  State,  they  shared  the 
youthful  Perry's  toils  and  subsequent  victory, 
and  "Little  Rhody's"  part  in  that  thrilling  tale 
is  out  of  all  proportion  to  her  diminutive  size, 
for  it  was  her  sons  that  the  young  commander 
carried  with  him  up  to  Lake  Erie.  They,  with 
the  aid  of  a  few  others,  under  his  directions 
created  from  the  convenient  forest  and  equipped 
the  fleet  whose  ensuing  record  figured  so  mo- 
mentously in  that  war. 

The  father  of  Oliver  was  the  son  of  the  Hon. 
Freeman  Perry,  who  led  a  most  useful  career. 
His  pursuits  were  in  the  quiet  paths  of  peace, 
and  he  held  during  a  long  life  many  posts  of 
trust.  Originally  a  clerk  in  the  county  court,  he 
eventually  served  in  a  judicial  capacity.  He 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH  9 


died  at  the  age  of  eighty-two  at  South  King- 
ston in  October,  1813,  the  month  following 
the  brilliant  exploit  of  his  grandson. 

A  brief  survey  of  the  American  Commodore's 
line  of  ancestry  indicates  the  unerring  destiny 
of  generic  influences.  On  the  maternal  side  he 
was  descended  in  a  direct  line  from  William 
Wallace,  fearless  warrior,  whose  name  will  en- 
dure while  remains  the  Scotland  for  which  he 
battled.  This  strain  alone  would  account  for 
the  sequence  of  Erie,  for  the  Scot  possesses  in 
amazing  degree  the  cardinal  virtue  of  unflag- 
ging zeal.  The  grim  resolve  to  do  or  die,  that 
fiH^d  the  heart  of  Robert  Bruce,  the  stout  heart 
that  was  buried  by  his  coutrymen  in  the  land 
he  loved,  actuates  in  as  full  measure  the  preacher 
in  his  pulpit,  the  inventor  in  his  garret,  and  all 
the  imposing  host,  from  warriors  to  writers, 
from  scientists  to  philosophers,  from  financiers 
to  legislators,  that  Scotland  has  given  to  the 
world.  No  matter  what  the  object  may  be, 
the  national  character  demands  the  employ- 
ment of  activity  until  the  realization  of  attain- 
ment. It  was  Scotch  persistence  that  won  for 
the  world  Lord  Byron's  "English  Bards  and 
Scotch  Reviewers." 


10  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


In  the  paternal  line,  Oliver's  great-great 
grandfather  was  a  native  of  Wales.  He  had 
three  sons,  Samuel,  Edward  and  Benjamin,  who 
emigrated  to  the  new  land  of  America.  Samuel 
and  Edward  were  among  those  early  settlers 
of  Plymouth,  while  Benjamin,  the  youngest  and 
the  lineal  ancestor  of  Oliver,  went  further  south 
and  settled  at  South  Kingston,  Rhode  Island. 
He  had  two  sons,  Edward  and  Freeman,  and 
two  daughters,  Mary  and  Susan.  Freeman, 
the  grandfather  of  Oliver,  had  seven  children. 
Christopher  Raymond,  his  third  son  and  the 
father  of  Oliver,  was  born  at  South  Kingston 
in  1761.  Despite  his  yovith,  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  Revolution  he  became  an  active  partici- 
pant, and  bore  a  most  honorable  part  in  the 
struggle.  Beginning  in  the  naval  service,  he  was 
first  a  seaman  on  board  an  American  privateer, 
later  volunteering  on  the  Trumbull,  a  public 
war  vessel.  Afterward  as  a  volunteer  aboard  a 
sloop  of  war,  the  Miflin,  under  the  command  of 
George  Wait  Babcock,  he  and  his  mates  were 
captured  by  the  British.  For  three  months, 
with  many  others,  he  endured  the  torments 
of  the  loathsome  Jersey  prison-ship.  While 
immured,  he  suffered  an  attack  of  fever  which 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH  11 


nearly  proved  fatal.  He  was  liberated  and  re- 
turned home  to  recruit  his  health.  Impatient 
for  further  action,  he  entered  the  service  of  a 
private  armed  brig,  commanded  by  Captain 
Rathbone.  While  in  the  English  Channel  the 
ship  was  captured.  Young  Perry  was  now  im- 
prisoned in  England  for  eighteen  months.  Fin- 
ally escaping  from  confinement,  he  embarked 
for  St.  Thomas,  and  from  there  for  Charles- 
ton, reaching  his  native  shore  at  about  the 
time  peace  negotiations  were  concluded. 

After  peace  was  restored  he  followed  his  fav- 
orite maritime  pursuits.  He  was  employed  in 
the  East  India  and  other  trades  until  about 
1798,  when  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  U.  S.  ship  General  Green,  performing 
several  cruises,  principally  on  the  West  India 
station.  He  continued  in  public  service  till  the 
reduction  of  the  marine  in  1801.  Following 
this  he  was  appointed  Collector  of  Revenue  for 
the  First  District  of  Rhode  Island.  The  brief 
record  indicates  that  the  gallant  father  of  a 
famous  son  had  himself  suffered  danger  and 
hardship  in  the  service  of  his  land  and  met 
them  with  the  courage  of  a  worthy  line. 

In  1783  Christopher  Perry  married  Sarah 


12  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Alexander  Wallace.  The  year  previous  she  had 
come  from  Scotland,  as  a  passenger,  to  Phila- 
delphia, under  the  protection  of  Matthew  Cal- 
braith,  in  the  vessel  of  which  the  subsequent 
captain  was  then  mate.  Of  this  union  there 
were  born  eight  children,  Oliver  Hazard,  Ray- 
mond Henry,  Matthew  Calbraith  and  James 
Alexander,  all  of  whom  entered  the  naval  ser- 
vice, Nathaniel  Hazard  and  three  daughters. 
Christopher  Raymond  Perry  died  June  1,  1818. 

Oliver  was  destined  by  his  father  for  the  sea. 
The  selection  by  the  parent  of  the  child's  future 
field  of  effort  is  too  often  a  breeder  of  subse- 
quent chaos  and  general  dissatisfaction.  But 
if  the  homely  phrases  of  ''like  father,  like  son," 
and  "a  chip  of  the  old  block,"  hold  true,  no 
such  unhappy  consequences  are  likely  to  attend 
the  fiat.  In  this  case  the  boy  was  his  father's 
son  in  his  love  for  the  sweep  of  tides,  in  his 
admiration  for  those  who  go  down  to  the  sea 
in  ships.  A  touch  was  sufficient  to  bend  the 
twig,  for  so  was  the  future  tree  inclined. 

It  is  an  inspiring  Omnipotence  Who  sends  us 
day-dreams  in  the  morning  of  our  lives,  flashes 
of  sunlight  athwart  the  brightened  page  of 
youth.    Few  there  are  to  whom  those  fleet- 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH  13 


ing  visions  of  the  springtime  did  not  seem 
gloriously,  startlingly  alive ;  few  who  are  not  in 
some  degree  the  better  for  them  in  the  after 
years.  True,  the  swift  fading  of  the  vision  in 
the  ardent  eyes  of  the  boy  was  wont,  in  the 
early  time,  to  leave  the  soul  chilled  with  a  sense 
of  the  gray  realities  of  that  present  which  youth 
is  ever  so  impatient  to  outgrow  for  the  beckon- 
ing future. 

But  that  childish  dream  in  passing  leaves  a 
hope  behind,  a  hope  that  grows  and  grows, 
that  reaches  out  wistfully  into  the  unknown, 
that  burns  with  a  steady  glow.  The  warm  glow 
lures  once  again  the  dream  and  fosters  it,  so 
that  it  lingers,  reluctant  to  depart,  and  when  it 
again  withdraws  from  the  lodgment  that  Hope 
prepared  for  it,  it  is  with  tears,  while  Hope 
droops,  pining.  Let  the  youth  now  guard  well 
his  heavy  heart,  where  Hope  lies  grieving,  lest 
the  mourner  slip  out  like  a  ghost  into  the 
emptiness  in  search  of  the  vanished  dream,  and 
both  be  lost  to  him  forever.  Let  him  un- 
weariedly  nourish  the  invalid  till  Hope,  renewed, 
once  more  kindles  the  fire  upon  the  hearth- 
stone and  the  rays  of  the  beacon  are  streaming 
through  the  window.    Be   assured   that  the 


14  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


dream,  tired  of  the  outer  cold  and  darkness,  will 
once  more  return,  this  time  to  abide  with  Hope, 
forever.  And  the  dream,  backed  by  Hope, 
will  conquer  the  world. 

Vague  and  formless  at  the  first  may  have 
been  the  dreams  of  the  boy  who  once  gazed 
out  from  the  shore  over  the  green  field  of 
the  waters  of  Narragansett  Bay,  childish  ques- 
tioning in  the  eyes  that  wondered  because  of 
the  unresting,  eternal  mystery  of  the  sea. 
Vague  and  formless  at  the  first,  and  we  have 
no  knowledge  of  what  they  were,  but  because 
we  who  are  men  were  once  boys,  and  remember 
it,  we  know  that  they  came  to  him.  Indeed, 
to  a  veritable  clod,  the  sweep  of  the  sea  would 
bring  them,  though  he  did  but  dully  sense 
their  witcheries.  And  to  the  heart  and  soul 
of  the  boy  who  was  to  become ,  the  man  of 
Put-in  Bay,  we  may  be  sure  there  came  such 
thrilling  ambitions,  such  swelling  aspirations, 
as  are  born  of  the  sight  of  wide  waters  and 
endless  tides,  of  the  smell  of  briny  winds. 

Accounts  tell  us  that  Oliver  in  early  youth 
was  not  robust  and  gave  little  promise  of  the 
splendid  physical  equipment  with  which  nature 
was  to  endow  him  with  advancing  maturity. 


ROOT  AND  BRANCH 


15 


It  appears  that  as  a  child  he  was  one  of  that 
large  constituency  who  are  temporarily  en- 
feebled by  too  rapid  growth.  In  his  earlier 
years  his  health  was  for  some  time  an  object 
of  parental  solicitude,  but  as  he  grew  older 
the  influence  of  a  naturally  inherited  strong 
constitution  asserted  itself  and  he  developed 
a  fine  physique,  which  grew  stronger  and  more 
vigorous  as  he  approached  manhood. 

As  for  his  mental  qualities,  it  is  related  that 
from  the  first  he  evidenced  that  lively  curiosity 
to  learn  regarding  matters  which  he  did  not 
understand,  that  should  invariably  be  a  source 
of  satisfaction  to  parents,  despite  the  natural 
annoyance  entailed  by  the  patient  answering 
of  hordes  of  children's  questions.  When  he  be- 
came of  an  age  suitable  for  books,  he  turned  to 
them  readily  and  developed  a  genuinely  studious 
bent.  As  for  his  education,  the  advantages  he 
received,  the  best  his  parents  could  give  him, 
were  not  of  the  highest,  though  he  made  the 
most  of  them  up  to  the  time  when,  as  a  mere 
youth,  he  began  his  practical  training  in  the 
matters  of  the  sea.  He  was  principally  educated 
in  tho  town  of  Newport,  where  he  attended  the 
best  schools  that  community  afforded.    It  is 


16  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


told  of  him  that  he  was  very  studious  and 
showed  great  proficiency  in  the  several  branches 
of  learning  to  which  he  applied  himself.  In  a 
word,  he  devoted  himself  to  his  school  duties 
with  the  same  zeal  that  he  later  showed  in  the 
stern  tasks  of  life. 

In  writing  of  the  Commodore's  youth,  a  con- 
temporaneous historian  said  of  him  :  =^ 

"We  shall  not  claim  that  he  was  born  a 
great  man,  but  that  he  became  such  from  a 
judicious  and  successful  use  of  the  powers  given, 
him  and  from  a  concurrence  of  circumstances, 
affording  an  opportunity  for  a  display  of  those 
powers.  As  a  boy  he  was  remarkably  sedate 
and  thoughtful,  and  the  circumstance  may  be 
considered  as  in  some  measure  a  presage  of  his 
future  career.  It  may  be  deemed  so  as  much 
as  any  other,  but  no  characteristic  of  a  child 
can  indicate  the  character  of  the  man,  as  that 
depends  upon  a  great  variety  of  causes,  some  of 
which  are  more  or  less  fortuitous  in  their  nature 
and  cannot  be  controlled  by  human  foresight. 

 A  mind  naturally  serious,  thoughtful  and 

inquiring  is  seldom  destitute  of  capacity  and 
energy,  and  when  these  qualities  are  discernible 

*  Life  of  Perry,  John  M.  Niles.    Hartford,  1821. 


EOOT  AND  BRANCH  17 


in  youth  they  may  be  considered  as 

affording  a  promise  of  future  talents,  charac- 
ter and  usefulness  which  few  other  character- 
istics disclose." 

Christopher  Raymond  Perry  had  designed  his 
son  for  the  navy,  and  Oliver's  school  days, 
though  well  improved  by  the  boy,  were  short. 
He  finished  them  at  fourteen,  an  age  when  the 
average  boy  of  to-day,  who  is  expected  by  his 
parents  to  take  the  full  course,  is  struggling 
along  in  about  the  middle  of  it.  But  it  was 
at  fourteen  that  Oliver  Hazard  Perry  left  the 
schoolroom  to  begin  his  studies  in  the  great, 
grim  university  of  life,  studies  that  were  to 
yield  him  a  diploma  and  degree  imperishable 
in  the  annals  of  the  nation. 


2 


CHAPTER  II 


GROWTH 

IT  WAS  under  the  tutelage  of  his  father  that 
young  Perry  entered  upon  his  training  in 
naval  matters.  Christopher  Raymond 
Perry  was  at  that  time  in  command  of  the 
General  Green,  and  in  April,  1799,  young 
Oliver,  vested  with  the  dignity  of  a  midship- 
man's warrant,  went  aboard  her.  The  Havana 
station  was  the  object  of  the  General  Green's 
first  cruise.  She  returned  July  27  following, 
having  in  the  interim  convoyed  over  fifty  mer- 
chantmen, bound  to  various  United  States 
ports.  It  was  intended  to  continue  longer,  but 
a  contagion  which  broke  out  among  the  crew 
compelled  Captain  Perry  to  return  home.  It 
was  during  this  cruise  that  Oliver  had  his  first 
lessons  in  practical  seamanship.  It  is  recorded 
that  he  proved  a  ready  pupil,  and  the  result 
satisfied  his  father  that  his  expectations  regard- 
ing the  son's  aptitude  for  matters  maritime 
would  be  realized,  a  conclusion  in  which  he  was 
destined  not  to  be  disappointed. 


GROWTH 


19 


Oliver  continued  with  his  father  on  subsequent 
cruises  of  the  General  Green.  He  displayed 
lively  interest  in  the  unique  calling  and  was 
diligent  in  mastering  the  problems  that  con- 
tinually present  themselves  to  him  who  would 
follow  the  sea  in  other  than  a  subordinate 
position.  An  incident  is  related  of  this  period 
which  will  serve  to  show  that  those  qualities 
in  the  younger  Perry,  which  were  later  to  win 
universal  admiration,  were  a  transmitted  in- 
heritance. The  General  Green  was  convoy- 
ing a  brig  from  New  Orleans  to  Havana, 
when  she  fell  in  with  a  British  ''74."  The 
latter  fired  across  the  bows  of  the  brig  to 
bring  her  to.  Neither  the  rudely  saluted  brig 
nor  the  General  Green  deigned  to  notice  the 
hint,  but  kept  steadily  on.  The  frigate  dis- 
patched a  boat  to  board  the  American  brig, 
whereupon  the  General  Green  returned  the 
Englishman's  compliment  of  a  few  moments 
previously  which  brought  her  alongside.  The 
Englishman  bore  down  and  liailed  tlie  American 
with  a  request  for  an  explanation  of  the  shot. 
Captain  Perry  answered  that  the  brig  was  un- 
der his  protection  and  the  shot  had  been  fired 
simply  to  prevent  her  from  being  boarded. 


20  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


The  British  captain  sarcastically  commented 
that  it  was  surprising  if  a  British  "74"  could 
not  examine  a  merchant  brig.  "If  she  was  a 
first-rate  ship,"  responded  Captain  Perry,  "she 
should  not  do  it  to  the  dishonor  of  my  flag." 
The  rejoinder  resulted  in  a  polite  request  on  the 
part  of  the  English  captain  for  permission  to 
examine  the  brig.  Captain  Perry,  knowing 
that  no  portion  of  the  cargo  was  liable  to 
seizure,  now  readily  assented. 

In  1800  the  General  Green,  cruising  about 
the  West  India  station,  visited  the  port  of 
Jacmel,  which  was  being  invested  by  a  land 
detachment  of  the  famous  Toussaint's  forces. 
As  the  reduction  of  the  place  was  considered  of 
great  importance  to  the  commerce  of  this 
nation,  the  General  Green  assisted,  after  inter- 
cepting supplies  consigned  to  the  beleagured 
garrison.  Between  Toussaint's  forces  and  the 
American  ship,  the  garrison  was  starved  out, 
and  the  entire  number,  more  than  five  thou- 
sand, surrendered  to  Toussaint.  The  General 
Green  was  in  close  quarters  during  the  engage- 
ment, battling  with  three  of  the  forts  and  com- 
pelling the  enemy  to  abandon  two  of  them, 
and   afterward  to  evacuate  the  town.  The 


GROWTH 


21 


strongest  of  the  three  forts  was  occupied  for  a 
time,  but  soon  after  capitulated.  The  American 
frigate  suffered  but  sHghtly  in  the  argument. 
This  incident  is  chiefly  of  value  here  because 
young  Oliver  was  an  interested  participant 
and  it  was  his  first  taste  of  war.  We  may  be 
sure  that  paternal  example  went  a  long  way 
at  this  time  with  the  future  hero  of  Erie. 

In  1801  occurred  the  reduction  of  the  navy, 
at  which  time  Oliver  was  still  aboard  the 
General  Green.  The  Tripolitan  corsairs  were 
working  their  own  sweet  will  with  American 
commerce  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  respect 
shown  our  flag  by  aliens  of  the  present  day 
being  then  sadly  wanting.  This  was  not 
strange,  as  we  were  then  rather  new  and 
raw,  though  it  was  just  about  that  time 
that  we  were  destined  to  begin  to  ripen ;  a  fact 
which  was  to  be  borne  in  upon  the  saddened 
marauders.  Three  frigates  and  a  sloop  of  war 
were  ordered  to  the  Mediterranean  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  pestered  merchantmen.  Young 
Perry  was  attached  to  the  frigate  Adams, 
one  of  the  trio  commanded  by  Captain  Camp- 
bell. The  small  squadron  adequately  fulfilled 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  dispatched.  It 


22  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


rendered  protection  to  a  number  of  American 
merchantmen,  drove  the  barbarian  craft  to 
its  ports,  to  the  amazement  of  Europe,  whose 
powers  had  previously  bowed  helpless  before 
the  piratical  flotillas,  and  established  an  ef- 
fectual blockade  of  Tripoli.  Perry  returned 
to  this  country  in  1803,  an  Acting  Lieuten- 
ant. In  1804,  again  under  Captain  Camp- 
bell, he  sailed  once  more  for  the  Mediterranean, 
Campbell  commanding  one  of  a  quartet  of 
frigates  sent  to  reinforce  the  American  squad- 
ron. Perry  remained  with  the  squadron  till 
peace  was  concluded  with  vanquished  Tripoli. 
He  returned  as  Second  Lieutenant  of  the  frigate 
Essex,  commanded  by  Commodore  Rogers, 
his  experiences  having  the  more  equipped  him 
for  the  unguessed  history  which  was  to  fol- 
low. 

Because  of  the  brilliant  brood  of  naval  fledg- 
lings, including  Perry,  who  began  notable 
careers  in  that  unique  strife  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean, a  brief  sketch  of  the  argument  seems 
at  this  point  permissible.  Many  a  youngster, 
who  was  afterward  to  become  famous,  learned 
his  first  lessons  of  actual  warfare  in  that  school, 
lessons  which  he  later  turned  to  good  account. 


GROWTH 


23 


The  short  experiment  in  the  reduction  of  the 
navy  was  not  destined  to  prove  satisfactory. 
In  March,  1801,  at  the  close  of  President 
Adams'  administration.  Congress  passed  a  law 
authorizing  the  President  to  place  the  navy 
upon  a  rigid  peace  footing  by  retaining  only 
thirteen  frigates,  six  of  which  were  to  be  kept 
in  active  service.  The  General  Green  was  one 
of  those  retained,  as  was  also  the  famous  Old 
Ironsides.  The  complement  of  officers  and  men 
was  to  be  reduced  in  proportion.  Twenty  ships 
were  dismantled  and  sold.  Seven  of  the  thirteen 
retained  were  laid  up  by  President  Jefferson, 
under  the  Act,  and  officers  and  men  in  excess, 
after  placing  the  service  on  a  peace  footing, 
were  discharged.  Work  on  six  ships,  the  build- 
ing of  which  had  been  authorized  by  Congress 
in  1798,  was  suspended.  "So  little,"  says 
Lossing,  "did  the  American  people  then  seem 
to  apprehend  the  value  of  a  competent  navy 
for  the  protection  of  their  commerce  every- 
where, as  well  as  the  honor  of  the  nation,  that 
a  majority  of  them  applauded  these  measures, 
while  many  Federalists  assailed  them  only  for 
political  effect.  That  strong  arm  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which  had  so  protected  commerce   .    .  . 


24  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


was  thus  paralyzed  by  an  unwise  economy  in 
public  expenditure. ' ' 

Those  in  charge  of  the  helm  of  any  nation, 
who  allow  themselves  to  be  lulled  by  that  oft 
recurrent  dream  of  universal  peace,  are  soon 
forced  to  a  disagreeable  realization  of  the  con- 
tinued aloofness  of  the  millenium.  In  lieu  of 
the  ships  of  the  line  Avhich  could  have  pro- 
tected American  commerce  on  the  Mediterra- 
nean, the  United  States  was  forced  to  follow 
the  examples  of  the  European  powers,  by  enter- 
ing into  arrangements  with  the  Barbary  powers 
to  render  immune  her  commerce  from  the  dep- 
redations of  pirates.  These  arrangements  en- 
tailed the  payment  of  agreed  sums  to  the  Bey  of 
Tripoli,  and  tribute  in  cash,  military  and  mari- 
time stores  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers  and  the  Bey 
of  Tunis.  Naturally,  the  wholesale  and  amazing 
truckling  of  the  powers  to  them,  rendered  the 
growing  insolence  of  the  freebooters  unbearable. 
The  national  pride  awoke,  and,  in  the  spring 
of  1801,  the  President  determined  to  act  vigor- 
ously, a  resolution  which  was  strengthened  by 
the  recollection  of  insolent  treatment  the  year 
previous,  of  Commodore  Bainbridge  by  the 
Dey  of  Algiers.    In  May,  1800,  Bainbridge,  of 


GROWTH 


25 


the  George  Washington,  24,  sailed  to  dehver 
the  usual  tribute,  arriving  at  the  Dey's  capital 
in  September.  Having  executed  his  mission, 
he  was  about  to  leave,  when  he  felt  constrained 
to  politely  refuse  the  command  of  the  Dey  to 
convey  an  Algerine  ambassador  to  the  Sultan's 
court  at  Constantinople.  The  Dey  observed 
that  the  American  people  paid  him  tribute,  by 
which  they  became  his  slaves,  and  he  had  a 
right  to  order  them  as  he  thought  proper.  This 
was  a  hard  dose  for  an  American  to  swallow, 
but  Bainbridge  was  advised  by  the  American 
consul  there  to  yield  to  circumstances,  as,  if  he 
tried  to  leave  the  harbor  without  doing  so,  the 
guns  of  a  heavily  armed  fort  would  open  on  his 
ship,  which  would  be  confiscated  and  which 
outcome  would  probably  bring  instant  war. 
So  Bainbridge  yielded  to  the  humiliation,  and 
to  the  further  one,  exacted  by  the  Dey,  of  sail- 
ing out  with  the  Algerine  flag  at  the  main  and 
that  of  his  own  land  at  the  fore.  When  he 
had  gotten  away  from  Algiers  he  reversed  the 
flags  and  bore  the  Algerine  ambassador  to  the 
Golden  Horn.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  he  wrote,  "I  shall  never  again  be 
sent   to   Algiers   with  tribute,  unless   I  am 


26  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


authorized  to  deliver  it  from  the  mouths  of 
our  cannon." 

Bainbridge  was  received  differently  in  Con- 
stantinople, the  Turkish  Government  entertain- 
ing friendly  feelings  toward  the  new  nation 
of  which  they  now  heard  for  the  first  time. 
When  Bainbridge  returned  to  Algiers  in  Jan- 
uary he  bore  a  firman,  tendered  him  by  the 
Turkish  admiral,  to  protect  him  from  further 
insolence  on  the  part  of  the  Dey,  who  greeted 
him  with  another  order  for  a  mission  to  Con- 
stantinople. Upon  Bainbridge' s  refusal,  the  Dey 
waxed  abusive,  but  the  display  of  the  firman 
effected  an  instantaneous  change  of  position, 
the  Dey  becoming  servile.*  The  result  was  that 
the  Dey  now  obeyed  an  order  of  Bainbridge's. 
When  the  latter  left  he  carried  the  French  consul 
and  about  fifty  of  his  countrymen,  just  released 
from  durance,  in  which  they  had  been  held  by 
the  Dey's  order. 

The  United  States  Government  had  been  pay- 
ing tribute  to  the  Bey  or  Bashaw  of  Tripoli. 
That  worthy  learned  that  his  piratical  neigh- 
bors had  been  paid  more  than  he.  So,  in  the 
fall  of  1800,  he  promised  war  if  a  demand  for 
greater  extortion   was    not   met   within  six 


GROWTH 


27 


months.  The  following  May  he  ordered  the 
flagstaff  of  the  American  Consulate  to  be  cut 
down  and  proclaimed  war.  The  United  States 
Government  anticipated  this,  and  dispatched 
a  squadron  of  four  vessels  from  Hampton  Roads, 
in  command  of  Commodore  Richard  Dale,  on 
board  his  flagship,  the  President,  44.  The 
squadron  reached  Gibraltar  July  1.  Dale  pro- 
ceeded east,  in  company  with  the  Enterprise, 
astonishing  the  powers  that  were  in  Tripoli 
and  Tunis  with  a  sudden  appearance  off  their 
ports.  The  news  of  an  engagement  en  route 
between  the  Enterprise  and  the  Tripoli,  a  cor- 
sair, the  latter  being  reduced  to  a  wreck  and 
captured,  added  to  the  native  consternation. 
The  squadron  remained  till  autumn,  and  mean- 
while the  depredations  upon  American  com- 
merce languished. 

In  1802  a  relief  squadron  of  six  vessels  was  sent 
to  the  Mediterranean,  one  after  another,  from 
February  till  September,  under  Commodore 
Richard  V.  Morris,  aboard  the  flagship  Chesa- 
peake. The  Constellation,  one  of  the  squad- 
ron, arrived  to  find  the  port  of  Tripoli  block- 
aded by  the  Boston,  commanded  by  Captain 
M'Neill,  who  had  been  cruising  independently. 


28  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


M'Neill  soon  left,  and,  in  a  subsequent  fracas, 
the  Constellation's  heavy  guns  inflicted  much 
damage  upon  a  flotilla  of  seventeen  Tripolitan 
gunboats.  The  Chesapeake  reached  Gibraltar 
May  25,  finding  the  Essex  blockading  a  couple 
of  Tripolitan  cruisers.  The  Adams  came  in 
July,  and,  with  the  Chesapeake  and  Enterprise, 
protected  American  commerce.  The  squadron 
rendezvoused  at  Malta  in  January,  1803,  and 
restrained  the  piratical  corsairs  during  the 
spring  by  demonstrations  of  force  before  the 
various  ports  of  the  Barbary  powers.  The  John 
Adams  damaged  opposing  gunboats  and  land 
batteries  of  Tripoli  considerably  in  an  action 
in  May,  suffering  only  a  small  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded.  An  attempt  to  negotiate  for 
peace  the  next  day  failed,  and  in  June  Algerine 
and  Tunisian  corsairs  became  active,  inducing 
a  raising  of  the  blockade  by  the  Americans. 
Commodore  Morris  returned  home  in  No vember, 
1803.  There  was  dissatisfaction.  A  court  of 
inquiry  decided  that  he  had  not  discovered 
due  diligence  and  activity  in  annoying  the 
enemy."  So  the  President,  says  Lossing,  "with 
a  precipitation  difficult  to  be  defended,  dis- 
missed him  from  the  service  without  trial.  His 


GROWTH 


29 


dismissal  from  the  service  has  ever  been  con- 
sidered a  high-handed  poHtical  measure.  He 
died  while  attending  the  legislature  at  Albany 
in  1814." 

Now  was  the  begining  of  the  end.  The  United 
States  Government  had  found  events  to  thor- 
oughly dissipate  the  dream  of  universal  peace. 
The  national  blood  was  up  and  the  naval  ser- 
vice, far  from  occupying  a  niche  in  the  cabinet 
of  cast-off  national  utilities,  was  now  all-impor- 
tant. No  efforts  were  being  spared  to  effect 
an  equipment  which  should  bring  the  insolent 
freebooters  to  terms  and  force  a  wholesome 
respect  for  the  flag.  So  it  came  that  in  May, 
1803,  Commodore  Edward  Preble,  in  pursuance 
of  the  awakened  national  spirit,  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  a  squadron  headed  by  the 
Constitution,  44,  with  the  Philadelphia,  38,  Ar- 
gus and  Siren,  16  each,  and  Nautilus,  Vixen 
and  Enterprise,  12  each.  Preble  sailed  in  the 
Constitution  in  August,  the  others  following 
as  fast  as  they  could  be  gotten  in  readiness. 
Captain  Bainbridge  had  sailed  on  the  Phila- 
delphia in  July,  and  captured,  August  26,  the 
Moorish  frigate  Meshboha,  which  had  taken 
an  American  merchantman.    The  Philadelphia 


30  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


returned  to  Gibraltar  with  the  captured  frigate, 
whose  commander,  it  was  discovered,  was  act- 
ing under  the  orders  of  the  Moorish  Governor 
of  Tangiers  in  cruising  for  American  vessels. 
Upon  Preble's  arrival  he  determined  to  look 
into  the  matter.  Oct.  6,  with  Commodore 
Rodgers,  he  entered  the  Bay  of  Tangiers  with 
the  Constitution  and  three  other  ships.  An  in- 
terview was  had  with  the  Emperor  of  Morocco, 
who  assured  Preble  that  he  desired  to  remain 
at  peace  with  this  nation  and  disavowed  the 
act  of  the  Governor  of  Tangiers.  Rodgers 
sailed  home  and  Preble  made  ready  for  a 
vigorous  accounting  with  Tripoli.  The  Phila- 
delphia, on  Oct.  31,  in  chasing  a  Tripolitan 
ship  into  its  harbor,  had  the  misfortune  to 
strike  upon  a  wholly  uncharted  rock,  where  she 
stuck  fast  and  could  not  be  sheered  off.  The 
Tripolitans  were  quick  to  attack  and  capture 
her  while  she  lay  helpless,  making  Bainbridge 
and  his  officers  and  men  prisoners.  The  officers 
the  captors  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  while 
the  members  of  the  crew  were  made  slaves. 
The  Tripolitans  soon  succeeded  in  getting  the 
Philadelphia  off  the  rock  and  brought  her  into 
their  harbor. 


GROWTH 


31 


The  casualty  was  reported  to  Preble  at  Malta, 
through  the  efforts  of  Bainbridge.  The  Tripoli- 
tans  were  fitting  up  the  Philadelphia  for  their 
own  purposes,  intending  to  use  her  in  battle 
against  her  recent  mates.  Bainbridge  suggested 
her  destruction,  if  it  could  be  effected.  On  Dec. 
23  the  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Decatur,  sailing 
with  the  flagship,  captured  a  Tripolitan  ketch, 
the  Mastico.  She  did  duty  for  the  Americans 
thereafter,  her  name  being  changed  to  the  In- 
trepid. 

A  plan  by  Decatur  for  capturing  or  destroy- 
ing the  Philadelphia  was  approved  by  Preble, 
and  Feb.  3,  1804,  he  left  Syracuse  for  that 
purpose.  An  incident  celebrated  in  naval  an- 
nals followed.  Seventy-four  gallant  young  fel- 
lows accompanied  Decatur  on  the  changeling 
Intrepid,  which  was  convoyed  by  the  brig  Siren, 
Lieutenant  Stewart.  Storms  deferred  the  at- 
tempt till  the  16th,  when,  on  a  moonlit  night,  the 
Intrepid  was  sailed  into  the  harbor  and  warped 
alongside  the  Philadelphia,  in  the  guise  of  a 
distressed  vessel  whose  decks  were  apparently 
well  nigh  deserted.  The  surprise  was  perfect. 
With  Yankee  cheers  American  seamen  once 
more  trod  the  decks  of  the  Philadelphia,  and 


32  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


with  an  irresistible  rush  that  brought  terror 
to  the  hearts  of  the  ahen  crew  which  held  her, 
the  latter  were  killed  or  driven  into  the  sea. 
Corsairs  were  coming  and  the  Americans  set  fire 
to  the  Philadelphia,  which  they  could  not  pre- 
serve to  their  own  cause,  and  regained  the  In- 
trepid, which,  with  the  aid  of  oars,  got  out  of 
the  harbor  in  safety.  Boats  from  the  Siren 
were  in  waiting  to  aid  in  towing  the  ketch  off. 
Both  vessels  sailed  to  Syracuse,  the  feat  of 
Decatur  and  his  mates  producing  great  satis- 
faction to  the  squadron.  Through  this  exploit 
Decatur  later  received  a  captaincy  and  others 
in  the  venture  were  also  promoted. 

Commodore  Preble  established  an  effective 
blockade  of  the  port  of  Tripoli.  In  July,  1804, 
Preble's  squadron  sailed  into  the  harbor.  The 
Constitution  anchored  two  miles  and  a  half 
from  the  town,  which  was  protected  by  heavy 
land  batteries,  a  force  of  25,000  troops,  a  num- 
ber of  gunboats  and  other  craft,  and  a  reef  of 
dangerous  rocks  and  shoals,  in  itself  a  formid- 
able defense.  Preble  was  not  of  the  faint- 
hearted type,  however,  and  Aug.  3,  in  the 
afternoon,  his  gunboats,  the  only  craft  that 
could  draw  near  enough,  opened  a  heavy  can- 


GROWTH 


33 


nonade  on  the  town.  Here  Lieutenant  Decatur 
again  signally  distinguished  himself.  This  most 
dashing  and  picturesque  figure  of  American 
naval  history  was  in  command  of  one  of  the 
gunboats,  which  he  laid  alongside  a  much 
larger  Tripolitan  craft,  and  led  his  boarders 
upon  her  decks.  He  captured  her  after  a  des- 
perate struggle.  Lossing  tells  of  the  only 
American  officer  killed  in  this  engagement.  It 
was  James  Decatur,  First  Lieutenant  of  the 
Nautilus  and  younger  brother  of  Stephen.  The 
Nautilus  had  caused  the  surrender  <pf  one  of  the 
enemy's  largest  vessels,  and  James  was  board- 
ing her  to  take  possession  when  her  captain 
treacherously  shot  him.  His  pistol  was  loaded 
with  two  bullets  connected  with  a  wire,  which 
struck  Decatur's  forehead,  and  bending,  the  two 
balls  entered  his  temples,  one  on  either  side, 
killing  him  instantly. 

Meanwhile  the  elder  brother,  after  capturing 
the  first  corsair  mentioned,  boarded  another, 
with  whose  commander  he  had  a  most  deadly 
personal  encounter.  Decatur  attacked  the  Tri- 
politan captain  with  a  pike,  which  was  seized 
by  the  latter,  a  powerful  rascal,  and  turned 
upon  the  lieutenant.  The  American  warded 
3 


34  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


off  the  blow  with  his  cutlass,  which  snapped  at 
the  hilt.  He  then  closed  with  the  Tripolitan 
and  the  two  fell,  struggling,  to  the  deck.  An 
attempt  by  his  enemy  to  draw  a  knife  was 
frustrated  by  Decatur,  who  ended  the  argu- 
ment with  a  swift  shot  from  a  pistol  which  he 
managed  to  draw  from  his  pocket. 

The  conflict  lasted  two  hovirs.  Three  of  the 
enemy's  boats  were  sunk,  three  captured,  and 
the  Tripolitans'  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was 
very  large.  The  Americans  then  withdrew,  re- 
newing the  attack  four  days  later,  inflicting 
some  damage.  They  again  renewed  the  on- 
slaught on  the  24th  of  that  month,  the  engage- 
ment being  brief.  On  the  29th  occurred  an 
engagement  of  several  hours,  till  the  ammu- 
nition of  the  American  gunboats  was  nearly 
exhausted.  They  withdrew  under  the  thunderous 
protection  of  the  big  guns  of  the  Constitution. 

Till  Sept.  2  a  recess  was  taken,  the  fleet 
anchoring  off  Tripoli  to  repair  damages.  A 
general  engagement  occurred  the  following 
day.  The  night  following  this  fifth  bombard- 
ment the  converted  ketch  Intrepid  met  her 
tragic  end.  She  had  been  made  into  a  float 
ing  mine  with  which  it  was  hoped  to  blow  up 


GROWTH 


35 


the  enemy's  vessels  in  the  harbor,  and  on  the 
night  referred  to  set  out  on  her  desperate 
undertaking.  Aboard  her  were  the  gallant 
Captain  Somers,  Lieutenant  Wadsworth,  of 
the  Constitution,  and  Joseph  Israel,  a  young 
officer  who  got  upon  the  Intrepid  by  stealth 
that  night.  The  party  was  completed  by 
a  few  men^j^  work  the  ketch  and  two  crews 
of  boats  employed  in  towing  her.  It  was  a 
dark  night,  the  ketch  entering  the  harbor  at 
9  o'clock.  Soon  after  this  there  came  a  sin- 
ister red  glare  and  a  tremendous  explosion. 
Those  who  went  on  that  expedition  never  came 
back.  Whether  the  dramatic  finale  occurred 
from  a  chance  shot  by  the  enemy,  or  an 
American  produced  it  with  an  opportune  brand 
to  prevent  imminent  capture,  is  a  matter  that 
could  of  course  never  be  determined. 

A  scarcity  of  ammunition  and  the  advent  of 
storms  now  closed  active  operations.  Sept.  10 
the  coming  of  Commodore  Barron  relieved 
Preble,  who  arrived  home  late  in  February, 
1805,  with  national  honors  and  emoluments 
awaiting  for  himself  and  those  under  him.  Com- 
modore Barron  was  now  in  command  of  the 
largest  naval  force  that  had  yet  been  main- 


36  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


tained  by  the  United  States  in  those  waters 
during  the  trouble.  There  were  ten  vessels, 
headed  by  the  gallant  old  Constitution,  now 
captained  by  Decatur,  and  including  the  Con- 
stellation, Captain  Campbell,  and  the  Essex, 
Captain  J.  Barron,  upon  which  the  stripling 
Perry  was  now  serving,  having  won  a  lieu- 
tenancy by  meritorious  conduct  during  the 
war. 

Barron  made  the  President  his  flagship,  and 
maintained  the  blockade  of  Tripoli  during  the 
autumn  and  winter  of  1805.  Meanwhile,  Cap- 
tain William  Eaton,  U.  S.  A.,  then  consul  at 
Tunis,  conceived  and  managed  a  land  movement 
against  Tripoli.  Hamet  Caramalli,  the  rightful 
holder  of  the  beyship  of  Tunis,  had  taken 
refuge  with  the  Mamelukes  in  Egypt.  Captain 
Eaton  and  other  American  officers  visited  him, 
and  it  was  determined  to  make  common  cause 
against  his  brother,  the  usurper.  Hamet  Cara- 
malli left  the  Mamelukes,  and,  with  a  few  fol- 
lowers, joined  Eaton,  who  had  a  force  of  repre- 
sentatives of  many  nations  west  of  Alexandria. 
The  allies,  with  a  camel  train,  started  for  Trip- 
oli in  March,  traversing  the  Desert  of  Barca 
and  the  wild  regions  of  the  African  coast  of 


GROWTH 


37 


the  Mediterranean  for  a  thousand  miles.  With 
two  American  vessels  they  captured  Derne,  in 
Tripoli,  in  April.  They  were  successful  in  other 
engagements,  their  following  increased,  and 
they  approached  the  capital  confident  of  suc- 
cess. "When,"  says  Lossing,  "to  the  morti- 
fication of  Captain  Eaton  and  the  extinguish- 
ment of  all  hopes  of  Hamet,  they  were  apprised 
that  Tobias  Lear,  consul-general  on  that  coast, 
had  appeared  before  Tripoli  in  the  Essex  and 
made  a  treaty  with  the  terrified  Bashaw.  This 
treaty  was  not  creditable.  Although  it  was 
stipulated  that  the  United  States  should  pay 
no  more  tribute  to  Tripoli,  it  was  agreed  that 
$60,000  should  be  paid  for  captives  then  in  the 
possession  of  the  Bashaw.  Altogether  better 
and  less  humiliating  terms  for  the  United 
States  might  have  been  obtained.  All  that 
Hamet  gained  was  the  release  of  his  wife  and 
children.  He  lost  everything  else.  He  after- 
ward came  to  the  United  States  and  applied  to 
Congress  for  remuneration  for  his  services  in 
"favor  of  the  Americans.  His  petition  was 
denied,  but  $2,400  were  voted  for  his  temporary 
relief." 

The  four  years'  war  with  Tripoli  was  ended. 


38  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Tunis  being  still  inclined  toward  insolence,  Com- 
modore Rodgers,  succeeding  to  the  command 
of  the  squadron  in  consequence  of  the  failing 
health  of  Barron,  anchored  the  flotilla  on  Aug. 
1  before  the  Bey's  capital.  This  sufficed.  The 
Bey  sent  an  ambassador  to  Washington. 

This  was  the  school  in  which  so  many  gallant 
youngsters  served,  who  were  later  to  prove  their 
mettle  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  afterward.  As 
for  the  records  of  its  scholars,  they  are  written 
in  the  annals  of  the  nation  and  the  world. 


CHAPTER  III 


AD  INTERIM 

AFTER  the  close  of  the  TripoHtan  War 
in  1805,  there  succeeded  a  period  of 
seven  years  of  harassed  peace  for  this 
nation,  before  the  outbreak  of  the  struggle  of 
1812.  It  was  a  species  of  peace  in  which  there 
was  nothing  of  contentment  or  placidity,  how- 
ever. Even  in  those  early  years  the  youthful 
nation  had  come  to  rank  importantly  as  a  com- 
mercial power.  This  was  a  circumstance  that 
just  here  rebounded  unfavorably  upon  her,  for  it 
made  her  the  sorely  buffeted  buffer  between  those 
warring  giants  of  Europe,  England  and  France. 
With  the  first,  the  motherland,  the  badgered 
offspring  was  destined  to  grapple  again  in  des- 
perate rebellion  against  tyranny.  As  for  the 
second,  had  not  the  stupendous  French  dream 
of  universal  aggrandizement  been  broken  by  the 
might  of  resisting  arms — arms  upheld  un- 
weariedly  by  England  through  the  stress  of 
years — it  is  probable  that  the  men  of  the  West 


40  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


would  ultimately  have  been  called  to  repel  in 
blood  the  forces  of  the  invading  Corsican 
upon  these  shores. 

The  dream  of  universal  peace  has  been  so 
often  blasted  in  an  explosion  so  sudden  as  to 
stupefy  the  world,  that  the  cynical  smiles  of  men 
at  its  mere  mention  in  these  later  years  may 
readily  be  pardoned.  It  has  been  too  often 
proved  that  its  announcement  usually  serves  as 
the  prelude  of  some  sinister  convulsion.  It  is 
like  the  glory  of  a  tropic  day  before  the  destruc- 
tive eruption  of  a  volcano.  In  the  light  of  the 
past,  one  may  clearly  perceive  the  animus  of 
the  ironical  smiles  with  which  the  nations  re- 
ceived the  Czar's  proposal  of  general  disarma- 
ment, and  behold  clear-limned,  the  spirit  of 
covert  menace  in  Kipling's  famous  poem  on 
the  Russian  Bear. 

Following  the  general  pacification  of  Europe, 
early  in  1802,  when  the  claws  of  the  Corsican 
were  temporarily  sheathed  and  he  seemed  dis- 
posed to  remain  at  amity  with  the  rest  of  the 
powers,  there  was  an  intense  admiration  for  him 
throughout  England.  Then,  as  now,  the  squat, 
rotund  figure  loomed  a  veritable  Colossus, 
grown  a  giant  through  the  force  of  his  pro  dig- 


AD  INTERIM 


41 


ious  genius,  which  cast  a  shadow  that  was  en- 
veloping Europe,  lengthening  and  deadly.  For 
a  time  England  was  immune.  Bonaparte  was 
a  hero ;  thousands  of  Englishmen  found  his  rule 
a  magnet  that  drew  them  to  France.  The  same 
false  sense  of  security  that  led  America  to  re- 
duce her  navy  lulled  England  for  a  time.  But 
not  for  long.  The  shadow,  for  a  time  hesitant 
at  the  verge  of  France,  stealthily  crept  out 
across  the  channel  toward  the  indomitable 
island.  Fair-seeming  was  irreconcilable  with  the 
threatening  shadow.  Suspicion  was  born,  sus- 
picion that  quickly  matured  and  begat  hatred 
of  the  Corsican  and  his  guarded  schemings. 
The  French  Senate,  indorsed  by  the  people's 
votes,  made  Bonaparte  consul  for  life.  Islands 
and  duchies  were  added  to  France's  possessions. 
The  Corsican  was  showing  his  hand.  England 
insisted  that  the  aggrandizement  violated  the 
Treaty  of  Amiens.  Bonaparte  threw  off  the 
mask,  became  belligerent,  overbearing.  He  ac- 
cused England  of  interference  with  his  claimed 
scheme  of  promoting  general  peace;  made  ex- 
traordinary demands  upon  her,  which  included 
a  request  that  she  modify  her  constitution.  It 
was  charged  that  his  agents  were  employed  in 


42  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


inciting  rebellions  in  Ireland.  So  it  went  until 
the  climax  in  March,  1803,  when  Napoleon 
asserted  in  an  official  note  to  the  British  am- 
bassador in  Paris,  that  "England,  alone,  cannot 
now  encounter  France."  The  commotion  on  the 
island  that  followed  this  intelligence  was  aug- 
mented a  few  days  later,  when  it  was  learned  in 
London  that  a  Senatus  Consultem  had  just 
placed  120,000  conscripts  at  Napoleon's  ser- 
vice. 

In  May  the  British  minister,  after  being  in- 
sulted by  Napoleon,  was  ordered  to  leave  Paris. 
England  immediately  retaliated  by  ordering  the 
French  minister  to  leave  London  and  declared 
war  against  France  May  18,  placing  an  im- 
mediate embargo  upon  all  French  ships  in  the 
island's  ports.  As  a  consequence  many  English 
visitors  in  France  at  the  time  were  seized  and 
imprisoned.  The  French  concentrated  troops, 
ready  to  invade  England.  England  prepared 
at  great  expense  to  resist  invasion,  being  aided 
by  many  exiled  Bourbon  Royalists  who  had 
found  an  asylum  there.  Their  presence  and 
efforts  added  to  the  Corsican's  resentment 
against  the  British. 

Writers  have  not  been  wanting  who  have 


AD  INTERIM 


43 


claimed  that  England's  course  at  this  time 
changed  history,  and  that  if  Bonaparte  had  been 
left  to  himself  the  world  would  have  been  treated 
to  the  spectacle  of  a  benevolent  monarch,  en- 
grossed wholly  in  the  affairs  of  his  own  country 
and  in  schemes  for  the  betterment  of  his  own 
people.  But  a  mere  glance  at  the  career  of  the 
man  would  seem  to  render  this  theory  untenable. 
Had  philanthropy  been  his  life's  chief  aim,  his 
years  could  as  well  have  been  spent  in  Cor- 
sica. But  it  was  Corsica,  France,  the  world. 
It  was  with  him  a  reaching  out  for  increasing 
power  from  the  beginning.  His  ambition  was 
a  fearsome,  insatiable  vulture  that  tore  re- 
morselessly at  his  quivering  soul  until  the 
end. 

Lossing  compares  the  resultant  war  between 
these  powers  to  a  contest  for  the  champion's 
belt,  supremacy  in  the  political  affairs  of  the 
world;  fought  with  science,  desperation  and 
brutality  of  accomplished  pugilists;  with  an 
utter  disregard  for  the  rights  of  other  nations. 
With  that  conflict  we  have  nothing  to  do  here, 
except  as  it  affected  the  welfare  of  this  strug- 
gling nation.  The  world  well  knows  of  it;  of 
the  Titanic  fight  of  the  Corsican;  of  the  bull- 


44  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


dog  tenacity  of  England,  which,  flanked  by 
the  lesser  of  the  dogs  of  war,  finally  won  the 
day  and  left  Napoleon  undone. 

The  Louisiana  Purchase  was  a  most  impor- 
tant step  in  the  national  career.  In  1763 
France  had  ceded  to  England  the  region  east  of 
the  Mississippi,  except  Florida,  and  west  of 
the  river  to  Spain.  The  war  for  independence 
changed  the  first,  the  second  involved  the  ab- 
dication by  France  of  territorial  holdings  on 
this  continent.  But  while  the  negotiations  of 
the  Treaty  of  Amiens  were  progressing,  it  was 
rumored  that  Spain  had  retroceded  to  France 
the  region  west  of  the  great  river.  President 
Jefferson  viewed  this  prospect  with  alarm.  It 
seemed  hardly  desirable  just  then  that  France 
should  re-acquire  her  foothold  on  this  continent. 
The  negotiations  followed  which  solidified  this 
country  and  removed  what  was  a  positive 
menace.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  colonial 
expansion  had  formed  a  considerable  part  of 
the  fabric  of  Napoleon's  dream.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly as  well  that  at  this  time  he  was 
facing  the  imminent  prospect  of  having  his  hands 
again  full  of  Europe,  and  was  bending  his 
energies  toward  the  invasion  of  England  and 


AD  INTERIM 


45 


the  destruction  of  her  maritime  advantages. 
It  is  related  that  he  remarked  at  the  time  to 
Marbois  :  "  This  accession  of  territory  strength- 
ens forever  the  power  of  the  United  States, 
and  I  have  just  given  England  a  maritime  rival 
that  will,  sooner  or  later,  humble  her  pride." 

Under  a  modification  of  the  British  "rule  of 
1756"  this  country's  commerce  had  prospered 
amazingly.  The  modification  had  been  made 
for  the  supposed  benefit  of  British  interests. 
With  reliance  in  the  good  faith  of  their  brethren 
over  the  sea,  American  shipowners  established 
a  most  profitable  carrying  trade.  English  mer- 
chants and  naval  officers  complained  that  there 
were  no  more  prizes  to  take.  Britain's  enemies 
used  neutral  merchant  vessels  and  trade  did  not 
languish  because  of  war.  It  was  claimed  that 
the  ''rule  of  1756"  was  wholly  evaded.  The 
Courts  of  Admiralty  began  to  hear,  favorably, 
complaints  to  the  effect  that  the  neutral  prop- 
erty allegation  was  a  mere  subterfuge,  and 
early  in  the  summer  of  1805  the  rule  of  1756 
was  revived  in  full  force,  though  secretly.  So 
the  seizure  of  American  vessels  with  rich  car- 
goes, by  British  cruisers,  and  subsequent  con- 
demnation by  Courts  of  Admiralty,  came  as  a 


46  OLIVER  HAZAED  PERRY 


disagreeable  surprise  on  this  side.  English 
writers,  in  defending  this  action,  alleged  that  it 
was  practically  war  against  Great  Britain  to 
carry  on  a  profitable  trade  with  her  enemies. 

Much  indignation  ensued  and  the  President 
was  besieged  with  memorials  from  the  mer- 
chants of  all  American  ports,  protesting  and 
demanding  redress.  Another  aggravating  as- 
sumption on  the  part  of  England,  which  fur- 
nished the  immediate  cause  of  the  subsequent 
war,  was  the  British  insistence  upon  the  right 
to  search  neutral  vessels  for  alleged  British 
seamen.  Through  this  practice  many  Ameri- 
cans were  impressed  into  alien  service.  This  is 
a  feature  of  history  so  well  known  to  all  Eng- 
lish-speaking people  that  it  requires  no  eluci- 
dation. The  practice,  on  the  part  of  the  British, 
had  been  made  the  subject  of  American  protests 
since  our  beginning  as  a  nation,  protests  that 
were  of  no  avail.  Requests  made  through  the 
diplomatic  branch  that  England  should  forego 
this  convenient  method  of  increasing  her  forces 
of  able-bodied  seamen  only  resulted  in  the 
somewhat  remarkable  suggestion,  that  to  guard 
against  these  oft-recurring  "accidents,"  Ameri- 
can  seamen   should  all  carry  certificates  of 


AD  INTERIM 


47 


citizenship.  The  official  correspondence  of  the 
time  relates  that  British  naval  officers  often 
impressed  Swedes,  Danes,  and  even  Frenchmen, 
from  American  vessels  upon  the  ironical  pretense 
that  they  were  English  subjects.  Attempts  by 
this  Government  to  have  the  vexed  matter 
settled  by  arbitration  were  abortive,  for  Great 
Britain's  position  was  that  there  was  nothing 
to  arbitrate.  Impressments  ceased  at  the  time 
of  the  general  pacification  of  Europe  in  1801, 
for  good,  as  the  Americans  hoped.  The  Peace 
of  Amiens  had  respited  British  ships  of  war 
and  there  was  for  the  time  being  a  superfluity 
of  men.  But  with  the  locking  of  horns  of  Eng- 
land and  France  in  1803,  the  impress  was 
resumed  with  vigor.  Every  attempt  of  serious 
remonstrance  by  American  public  men  failed 
to  change  the  English  policy  a  hair's  breadth. 
Toward  the  close  of  1805  the  situation  had 
become  unbearable.  Congress  passed  a  resolu- 
tion denunciatory  of  impressment  and  the  dep- 
redations upon  the  national  commerce.  There 
was  a  subsequent  resolution  offered  and  finally 
passed  demanding  the  restoration  of  unjustly 
confiscated  property,  indemnification  for  past 
losses  and  an  arrangement  calculated  to  do 


48  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


away  with  the  impressment  of  American  seamen. 
Of  the  four  modes  of  obtaining  redress — negotia- 
tion, non-intercovirse,  embargo  and  war — it 
was  determined  to  try  the  first  once  more. 
WilUam  Pinkney,  of  Maryland,  was  made  Minis- 
ter Extraordinary  to  England,  to  become  as- 
sociated with  Monroe,  the  resident  minister, 
in  the  concluding  of  a  treaty  to  settle  all  dis- 
putes existing  between  the  two  nations.  In 
the  meantime,  to  bring  the  issue  forcibly  home 
to  the  parent  country,  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives passed  an  act  excluding  many  of  Great 
Britain's  important  manufactures  from  importa- 
tion here.  The  act  passed  the  Senate  and  be- 
came a  law  in  April,  1806.  To  accommodate 
the  negotiations,  this  act  was  specified  to  be- 
come operative  the  following  November. 

There  were  hopes,  during  the  debate  on  this 
measure,  of  better  things  from  England,  as 
intelligence  had  reached  these  shores  of  the 
death  of  William  Pitt  in  January  of  that  year, 
and  the  formation  of  a  new  cabinet  early  in 
February,  with  the  Liberal,  Charles  James  Fox, 
as  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Mr.  Pink-^ 
ney  sailed  for  England,  believing  there  might 
be  a  change  of  policy,  but  the  English  absorp- 


AD  INTERIM 


49 


tion  in  the  war  against  Napoleon  made  the 
complaints  of  this  country  a  distinct  side-issue. 
However,  Lords  Holland  and  Auckland  were 
appointed  and  began  negotiations  with  the 
American  diplomats  in  August.  According  to 
instructions,  the  Americans  insisted  upon  the 
abolishment  of  the  impress.  The  English  rep- 
resentatives, sustained  by  full  authority  of  their 
Government,  refused  to  yield  the  point,  claim- 
ing that  to  do  so  would  make  American  vessels 
asylums  for  British  deserters.  A  quasi-agree- 
ment  was  finally  reduced  to  writing,  however, 
by  which  the  English  were  assumed  to  agree  to 
use  the  impress  with  more  care  and  gradually 
to  allow  the  practice  to  die  out.  Negotiations 
proceeded  along  other  lines,  a  commercial  treaty 
being  agreed  to  which  the  Americans  considered, 
on  the  whole,  more  favorable  to  their  Govern- 
ment than  the  previous  one.  The  matters 
affecting  the  carrying  trade  were  also  settled 
upon,  when  word  of  the  Berlin  Decree  reached 
the  commissioners.  Holland  and  Auckland 
asked  assurances  that  the  United  States  would 
not  allow  their  trade  with  Great  Britain  to 
be  interfered  with  by  France  without  resenting 
it.  This  the  American  commissioners  had  no 
4 


50  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


authority  to  do,  so  they  refused.  The  English- 
men waived  the  point  and  signed  the  treaty, 
presenting  a  written  protest  against  the  BerUn 
Decree. 

Because  this  treaty  was  loose  in  actual  guar- 
antees, and  largely  because  it  did  not  dispose 
of  the  hated  impress,  the  President,  seconded 
by  Mr.  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State,  refused 
to  ratify  it.  Before  the  official  refusal  reached 
England  there  occurred  the  death  of  Fox.  The 
Fox  and  Grenville  ministry  had  disappeared, 
being  succeeded  by  the  warlike  one  in  which 
Liverpool,  Percival  and  Canning,  compatriots 
of  Pitt,  figured. 

In  May,  1806,  occurred  the  declaration  by 
England  of  a  blockade  of  the  European  coast 
from  the  Elbe,  in  Germany,  to  Brest,  in  France, 
in  retaliation  of  the  seizure  of  Hanover  by  the 
Prussians,  at  the  instigation  of  Napoleon.  On 
Nov.  21,  of  that  year,  there  emanated  from 
the  "Imperial  Camp  at  Berlin"  Napoleon's 
famous  decree  declaring  the  British  Isles  in  a 
state  of  blockade.  He  had  scarcely  a  ship  to 
enforce  it,  but  relied  for  moral  support  on  Eng- 
land's famous  "law  of  nations,"  which  made 
a  mere  paper  blockade  effective  and  allowed 


AD  INTERIM 


51 


might  to  prey  on  unfortunate  neutrals.  Napo- 
leon's adherence  for  several  years  to  this  meas- 
ure was  the  means  of  dragging  in  many  of  the 
European  states  against  the  buffeted  England, 
whose  unwearied  resistance  against  all  the 
amalgamated  power  of  the  Corsican  and  his 
allies  cannot  but  win  the  admiration  of  the 
world. 

The  breadth  of  the  Berlin  Decree  naturally 
filled  America — which  nation  was  about  the 
only  neutral  extant  at  this  time — with  alarm. 
The  commerce  of  this  nation  was  then  a  rich 
morsel  for  the  greedy.  Still,  the  long-continued 
policy  of  France  in  the  rightful  usage  of  neutrals 
somewhat  allayed  the  national  fears,  and  Ameri- 
can commerce  for  a  time  was  immune.  Doubt- 
less Napoleon,  perceiving  the  growth  of  hostility 
toward  England  in  the  United  States,  deferred 
any  provocative  measure  for  a  time,  in  the 
hope  that  this  nation  might  join  him  in  a  con- 
federacy against  England.  But  the  United 
States  did  not  declare  war,  and  in  1807  there 
was  rendered  a  decision  of  Regnier,  the  French 
Minister  of  Justice,  to  the  effect  that  all  mer- 
chandise derived  from  England  and  her  colonies, 
by  whomsoever  owned,  was  liable  to  seizure  even 


52  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


on  board  neutral  vessels.  Americans  being  the 
only  neutrals,  the  aim  of  the  decision  was  ob- 
vious, and  the  new  principle  was  swiftly  put 
into  practice.  Then  Great  Britain  prohibited 
all  neutral  trade  with  France  or  her  allies,  un- 
less through  Great  Britain. 

To  paraphrase  an  old  quotation,  the  United 
States  now  found  herself  in  a  deep  sea  between 
two  devils.  But  more  was  to  follow.  Bona- 
parte, in  retaliation,  issued  another  decree, 
even  more  destructive  to  American  commerce, 
and  Spain  and  Holland  immediately  followed 
his  lead  with  similar  ones.  This  nation's  com- 
merce, that  had  flourished  like  a  flower,  became 
the  rudely  battered  shuttlecock  between  smash- 
ing battledores. 

The  war  spirit  in  the  United  States  received 
a  powerful  impetus  when  in  June,  1807,  occurred 
the  raking  of  the  Chesapeake  by  the  Leopard, 
off  Hampton  Roads,  because  of  the  former's 
refusal  to  .turn  over  three  alleged  British  de- 
serters, who,  by  the  way,  were  found  to  be 
Americans  who  had  previously  been  impressed 
into  British  service  and  had  escaped  to  rejoin 
the  Americans.  Canning,  the  British  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  disavowed  the  outrage  and 


AD  INTERIM 


53 


recalled  the  officers  of  the  Leopard.  The  war 
spirit,  in  consequence  of  this  affair,  spread 
through  the  States  like  a  flame,  but  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  cabinet  preferred  to  allow  Eng- 
land a  chance  to  disavow  the  act  and  eventually 
to  repair  the  wrong.  Popular  sentiment  in- 
duced the  Presidential  proclamation  July  2, 
ordering  British  armed  vessels  to  leave  Ameri- 
can waters  immediately.  Should  they  remain, 
communication  by  Americans  with  their  crews 
was  forbidden.  Wholesale  preparations  for  de- 
fense were  ordered  to  be  made.  The  armed 
schooner  Revenge  was  sent  to  England  with 
instructions  to  the  American  ministers,  Monroe 
and  Pinkney,  to  demand  reparation  in  the  case 
of  the  Chesapeake  and  that  all  impressments 
should  cease.  The  latter  the  English  Govern- 
ment would  not  agree  to,  particularly  as  it 
was  asked  that  their  cherished  right  of  search 
be  relinquished.  The  Americans  endeavored, 
through  diplomacy,  to  bring  about  the  results 
desired,  but  efforts  proved  fruitless,  and  from 
1808  till  the  actual  conflict,  the  shadow  of 
coming  war  was  never  exorcised. 

The  Embargo  Act,  passed  in  December,  1807, 
was  an  attempt,  by  inhibiting  the  departure  of 


54  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


our  vessels  from  our  ports,  to  compel  France 
and  England  to  respect  the  rights  of  a  badly 
injured  neutral,  an  object  which  the  measure 
did  not  accomplish.  There  was  great  opposition 
to  the  act  at  home,  and  it  was  constantly 
evaded.  The  sole  benefit  that  accrued  from  the 
act  was  the  encouragement  of  manufacturing 
enterprises,  which  received  a  genuine  impetus 
in  the  States  at  this  time. 

The  Embargo  Act,  being  found  deficient  in 
the  expected  results,  and  hateful  to  the  country's 
citizens  in  general,  was  revoked  in  March,  1809. 
It  was  followed  by  the  non-intercourse  law,  the 
operations  of  which  were  later  suspended  in  so 
far  as  they  concerned  France,  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  President,  pursuant  to  a  provision 
of  the  law,  but  continuing  in  force  against 
Great  Britain,  with  whom  relations  grew  con- 
stantly more  strained. 

Details  are  multitudinous  regarding  these 
stirring  times.  The  limitations  of  space  have 
forbidden  the  giving  of  more  than  a  brief 
resume  of  the  trend  of  events  which  led  to  this 
nation's  second  conflict  with  Great  Britain. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that,  no  other  course  appear- 
ing possible,  Congress  declared  war  against  the 


AD  INTERIM 


55 


United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
June  18,  1812. 

Of  this  step  the  New  York  Morning  Post  of 
that  old  day  said  editorially  : 

'*With  a  stone  and  a  sling  only,  America 
commenced  the  War  of  Independence.  Without 
arms,  without  clothing,  without  money  and 
without  credit,  we  took  the  field,  relying  upon 
stout  hearts  and  the  assistance  of  God  for  the 
success  of  a  righteous  cause.  The  event  has 
proved  that  with  such  reliances  a  nation  has 
nothing  to  fear.  Our  country  has  again  thrown 
itself  upon  the  protection  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts ; 
we  need  but  prove  faithful  to  Him  and  to  our- 
selves. Victory  will  again  crown  our  efforts 
and  peace  and  plenty  reward  us  for  our  toils. 
Who  that  is  truly  an  American  will  despair 
of  the  success  of  his  country;  who  will  dare  to 
believe  that  we  can  be  otherwise  than  con- 
querors?" 

And,  for  the  purpose  of  glancing  at  the  other 
side  of  the  shield,  the  following  paragraph, 
from  the  London  Courier,  is  opportune  : 

"America  knows  not  that  the  vigor  of  the 
British  Empire  increases  with  the  necessity  of 
exerting  it;  that  our  elasticity  rises  with  the 


56  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


pressure  upon  us;  that  difficulties  only  make 
us  more  firm  and  undaunted;  that  dangers 
only  give  us  the  additional  means  of  overcom- 
ing them.  It  is  in  such  a  state  of  affairs,  in 
such  a  great  crisis,  that  a  nation  like  Great 
Britain  becomes  greater.  We  are  now  the  only 
bulwark  of  liberty  in  the  world ;  placed,  a  little 
spot,  a  speck,  almost,  on  the  ocean,  between 
the  Old  and  the  New  World,  we  are  contending 
with  both;  with  one  arm  we  are  beating  the 
armies  of  the  Master  of  the  Continent  of  Europe, 
and  with  the  other  we  shall  smite  his  Prefect 
on  the  Continent  of  America." 

The  scream  of  the  eagle,  the  roar  of  the  lion  ! 
Truly,  a  fearsome  blending,  these  voices  of  the 
aerie  and  the  lair. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  FRONTIER 

IN  the  time  of  a  troublous  peace  the  nation 
had  finally  begun  to  prepare  for  war. 
It  had  been  the  Jeffersonian  policy  to 
maintain  an  economical  course  in  regard  to 
the  army  and  navy;  but  dubious  prospects  of 
coming  trouble,  as  the  situation  grew  more 
strained,  had  changed  this.  The  army  had  been 
increased,  the  depleted  navy  reinforced  by  ships 
that  had  been  out  of  commission  and  by  a  few 
new  ones,  coast  and  harbor  defenses  strength- 
ened, and  before  the  beginning  of  the  inevitable 
struggle  the  Government  had  appropriated 
several  millions  of  dollars  for  purposes  of  war. 

This  country's  neutrality,  that  neutrality 
which  made  her  commerce  the  prey  of  aliens, 
had  naturally  caused  the  navy  to  languish 
during  these  few  years.  With  the  approach  of 
the  grim  shadow  of  war,  and  the  resultant 
activity  in  naval  circles,  a  number  of  gallant 
eager    hearts    were   gladdened,    for    days  of 


58  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


peace  cannot  but  drag  monotonously  for  the 
men,  who,  on  land  or  sea,  trained  in  a  relent- 
less school,  await  the  call  to  arms. 

Lieutenant  Perry,  at  the  close  of  the  Tripoli- 
tan  War,  had  continued  in  his  congenial  field, 
the  navy.  The  stripling  of  Tripoli  had  become 
a  man,  strong  and  earnest,  who  followed  hope- 
fully the  life  that  led  to  what  he  fully  believed 
would  prove  Opportunity ;  a  quest  in  which  he 
w^as  not  to  be  disappointed.  The  deep,  abiding 
desire  for  action,  the  wish  that  grew  with  the 
years,  that  was  born  of  his  innate  genius,  was 
destined,  as  was  natural  with  such  a  soul,  to 
be  satisfied  only  in  the  embattled  roar  of 
Erie. 

Perry's  past  services  and  growing  abilities 
were  noted,  resulting  in  his  appointment  to 
the  command  of  a  flotilla  of  seventeen  gun- 
boats on  the  Newport  station.  This  was  soon 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Embargo  in  1808. 
He  continued  in  this  service  until  1810,  when 
he  was  given  the  command  of  the  U.  S. 
Schooner  Revenge,  then  laying  at  New  London, 
and  attached  to  the  squadron  of  Commodore 
Rodgers.  During  a  cruise  of  the  Revenge,  in 
that  year.  Perry  was  the  means  of  rendering 


THE  FRONTIER 


59 


signal  services  to  the  ship  Diana,  of  Wiscasset, 
Me.,  which  craft  was  in  distress  off  the  coast  of 
Georgia.  As  a  result  of  his  opportune  assist- 
ance, he  received  a  letter  of  acknowledgment 
from  the  owners  of  the  vessel,  with  the  added 
request  that  he  forward  it  with  his  own  report 
to  the  Naval  Secretary. 

During  January,  1811,  the  Revenge,  while 
returning  from  Newport  to  New  London,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant  Perry,  was  lost  in 
a  thick  fog  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pawcatuck 
River,  in  Rhode  Island.  She  struck  upon  a 
rocky  reef  off  Watch  Hill,  and  went  to  pieces 
in  a  few  hours.  The  fog  was  of  the  consistency 
that  seamen  are  wont  to  say  can  not  readily 
be  cut  with  a  knife,  and  the  peril  of  the  situa- 
tion was  vastly  increased  by  a  heavy  swell. 
The  pilot  was  helpless  to  tell  of  the  location 
of  the  wrecked  Revenge.  At  this  trying  time 
Perry  displayed  the  qualities  that  proved  him, 
as  truly  as  they  did  later  upon  Erie,  a  born 
master  of  men.  His  calm,  philosophic  accept- 
ance of  the  harried  situation  prevented  a  panic, 
his  potent  personality  and  inspiring  example 
swiftly  brought  order  out  of  chaos,  and  dis- 
cipline  was  soon  again  dominant.    The  re- 


60  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


suit  was  that  not  only  the  men  but  most  of 
the  ship's  property  reached  safety,  the  latter 
including  the  sails,  rigging,  most  of  the  cannon, 
and  nearly  all  the  effects  of  value. 

As  the  ship  had  been  in  his  charge,  Lieutenant 
Perry  asked  that  a  court  of  inquiry  be  ap- 
pointed to  examine  into  the  circumstances  of 
the  casualty.  This  was  done.  The  commission 
fully  canvassed  the  matter  and  returned  find- 
ings, that  not  only  absolved  the  young  com- 
mander from  all  blame,  but  pronounced  his 
conduct  during  those  trying  hours  to  be  most 
meritorious.  He  received  commendation  for 
evidenced  judgment,  activity  and  cool  intrep- 
idity; and  the  findings  of  the  court  raised  in 
no  small  degree  the  already  high  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held  by  his  Government. 

The  official  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  made  but  briefly  before,  shows  the  fol- 
lowing to  have  constituted  the  United  States 
Navy  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  of  1812. 
The  Constitution,  frigate,  44  guns;  President, 
44,  cost  $220,910;  United  States,  44;  Congress, 
36;  Essex,  32,  cost  $139,362;  ships— John 
Adams,  20,  cost,  $113,500;  Wasp,  16;  Hornet, 
12;  brigs— Argus,  16;  Nautilus,  16;  Vixen,  14; 


THE  FRONTIER 


61 


Enterprise,  14;  Syren,  16;  Viper,  10;  Oneida, 
on  Lake  Ontario,  16.  These  were  in  actual 
service. 

The  following  were  laid  up  in  ordinary  :  Chesa- 
peake, 36  guns,  original  cost,  $220,677;  Con- 
stellation, 36,  cost  $314,212;  New  York,  36, 
original  cost,  $159,639;  Adams,  32,  cost,  $76,- 
622;  Boston,  32,  cost  $119,570.  Some  of 
these,  particularly  the  New  York  and  Boston, 
were  in  such  a  decayed  condition  as  to  render 
it  inadvisable  to  repair  them.  Besides  the 
vessels  enumerated,  the  nation  had  165  gun- 
boats, of  which  65  were  in  commission,  93  in 
ordinary  and  7  under  repairs. 

It  is  recorded  that  the  first  service  in  which 
Perry  was  employed  after  the  war  had  begun 
was  one  that  would  naturally  chafe  a  spirit  like 
his,  because  the  work  lay  in  quiet  waters.  He 
was  given  the  command  of  a  flotilla  of  gun- 
boats, stationed  at  Newport.  He  continued 
there  for  several  months  in  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  1812.  This  would  not  do  for  Perry. 
There  was  no  prospect  of  action  here.  To  the 
north,  by  the  shores  of  the  great  chain  of  in- 
land seas  and  the  mighty  St.  Lawrence  beyond, 
there  stirred  impending  action.    There  was  logi- 


62  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


cally  the  theater,  upon  the  bosom  of  the  wide 
water;  for  across  the  deep  lay  Canada. 

All  things  called  for  concentration  of  power 
at  the  north.  Perry's  prophetic  soul  willed 
his  body  where  the  fight  seemed  likely  to  be 
thickest.  He  invoked  the  powers  at  Washington. 
To  the  good  fortune  of  themselves  and  the 
nation  they — at  odd  times — well  served,  they 
finally  consented.  Perry  was  directed  to  join 
the  naval  forces  on  the  lakes;  and  the  order 
made  history.  The  said  naval  forces  were  under 
the  command  of  Commodore  Isaac  Chauncey, 
whose  headquarters  were  at  Sackets  Harbor, 
N.  Y.,  near  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario.  To  this 
port  young  Perry  repaired  early  the  next  year, 
reporting  to  the  man  who  was  officially  his 
superior,  but  who  in  achievement  was  not  des- 
tined to  equal  even  remotely  the  subaltern. 

To  properly  understand  all  that  entered  into 
the  border  warfare  during  the  War  of  1812, 
it  is  advisable  here  to  revert  for  a  space  and 
sketch,  briefly,  stirring  events  in  the  Northwest 
at  a  period  immediately  prior  to  the  second 
war  with  England.  In  the  year  1800  the  In- 
diana territory,  then  including  the  present 
States  of  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Wisconsin,  was 


THE  FRONTIER 


63 


established.  William  Henry  Harrison,  who  was 
to  achieve  the  Presidency,  then  not  thirty  years 
old,  was  appointed  Governor.  He  had  been  a 
captain  in  the  regular  army,  but  had  for  a  few 
years  followed  a  civil  career.  A  territorial  legis- 
lature was  organized  in  1805,  and  Vincennes 
was  made  the  capital.  By  the  end  of  that  year 
Harrison,  by  honorable  treaties,  had  secured 
thousands  of  acres  of  Indian  lands  for  the 
Government.  He  was  powerless  to  prevent  the 
encroachment  of  classes,  however,  who  preyed 
upon  and  defrauded  the  Indians,  besides  under- 
mining the  unfortunate  race  with  its  worst  foe, 
whisky.  British  influence  was  also  felt  from 
Canada,  contributing  to  the  discontent  that 
spread,  like  a  growing  cloud,  through  the  North- 
west. Harrison  did  all  that  he  could  to  avert 
the  threatened  trouble,  but  too  many  forces 
were  working  the  other  way.  At  the  beginning 
of  1811  the  Indians  were  impatient  for  the  war- 
path, and  it  were  idle  to  deny  that  they  had 
had  provocation. 

Instances  of  Indian  patriotism  are  by  no 
means  wanting  in  the  annals  of  this  land.  In 
the  breast  of  Tecum.seh  there  burned  as  white 
a  flame  of  love  for  the  liberties  of  his  people 


64  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


as  ever  warmed  that  of  a  Caucasian  brother. 
This  picturesque  figure  was  one  of  three  sons 
born  at  the  same  time  of  a  Creek  mother 
(Methoataske),  in  a  rude  cabin  near  the  Mad 
River,  a  few  miles  from  Springfield,  Ohio.  The 
brothers  were  named  Tecumseh  (or  Tecumtha), 
Elkswatawa,  and  Kamskaka.  In  the  Shawnoese 
dialect  the  name  of  Tecumseh  signifies  "  a  flying 
tiger,"  or  ''a  v/ildcat  springing  on  its  prey." 
With  Tecumseh,  Elkswatawa,  "the  loud  voice," 
was,  as  the  famous  Prophet,  destined  to  reach 
a  commanding  position  among  his  people; 
which  consummation  he  owed  chiefly  to  the 
directing  genius  of  his  masterful  brother.  The 
third  of  the  trio,  Kamskaka,  was  unstirred  by 
ambition  and  died  in  comfortable  obscurity. 

From  historical  accounts,  the  rise  to  power  of 
Elkswatawa  was  the  result  of  an  impelling  force 
not  his  own,  for  an  authority  states  that  up 
to  the  time  in  1805  when  he  had  a  vision,  as- 
sumed to  prophesy,  and  took  the  name  of 
Pemsquatawah,  or  "open  door,"  he  had  been 
chiefly  conspicuous  for  stupidity  and  intoxi- 
cation. He  possessed  a  sinister  appearance, 
due  largely  to  the  loss  of  an  eye.  While  light- 
ing his  pipe  one  day  he  fell  to  the  ground  as  if 


THE  FRONTIER  65 


dead.  He  was  prepared  for  burial,  but  in  the 
nick  of  time  he  revived  and  related  a  tale  of 
having  been  whisked  into  the  realm  of  the 
aborigine's  ultimate  desire  and  charged  with  a 
solemn  message  to  the  braves  to  eschew  evil 
and  avoid  the  temptations  of  the  white  man. 
The  cunning  hand  of  Tecumseh  was  in  this 
hoax;  the  brother  was  a  tool,  though  an  apt 
one.  It  was  an  opening  move  in  a  grand 
scheme  that  Tecumseh  had  formed  for  obtain- 
ing influence  over  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest, 
and  forming  the  confederacy,  which  should  resist 
the  dominance  of  the  Caucasian  in  the  land  of 
the  red  man.  The  Prophet  continued  his  play 
upon  the  superstition  of  the  redskins,  and, 
though  there  were  unbelievers  in  his  own  tribe, 
his  sway  over  the  great  mass  of  the  tribes  in 
the  Northwest  grew  almost  incredible.  He  was 
accredited  with  miraculous  powers,  with  being 
the  true  oracle  of  the  Great  Spirit,  Onder- 
donk,  in  speaking  of  the  tales  told  by  his  dis- 
ciples, mentions  his  reputed  power  of  making 
pumpkins  as  large  as  wigwams  spring  out  of 
the  ground  and  the  growth  of  his  corn  being 
such  that  a  single  ear  would  feed  a  dozen  men. 
His  fame  drew  together  a  vast  concourse  of 
5  ' 


66  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Indians,  which  gave  Tecumseh  abundant  op- 
portunity to  agitate  the  matter  of  the  pro- 
posed confederacy.  Governor  Harrison  was 
quick  to  perceive  danger  in  this  course,  and 
made  a  speech  to  the  head  men  of  the  Shawno- 
ese  tribe  in  which  he  denounced  the  Prophet  as 
an  imposter.  He  concluded  the  address  with 
the  sarcastic  suggestion:  "Let  him  go  to  the 
lakes.    He  can  hear  the  British  more  distinctly." 

The  Shawnoese  stood  by  the  Governor.  In 
the  spring  of  1808  the  Prophet  and  his  followers 
went  to  abide  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  ' 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Tippecanoe  River.  Tecum- 
seh was  there  when  not  engaged  on  political 
journeys  among  the  tribes;  but  he  was  cautious. 
His  brother  was  allowed  to  front  the  limelight 
while  he  kept  in  the  wings.  The  Prophet  visited 
Harrison  in  August  at  Vincennes,  denying  any 
complicity  w^ith  the  British.  So  ingratiating 
he  proved  that  the  Governor  was  inclined  to 
believe  he  had  misjudged  him  and  dismissed 
him  with  friendly  assurances.  Subsequent  signs 
pointed  otherwise.  Another  conference  was 
held  at  Vincennes  in  the  summer  of  1809,  when 
the  Prophet  finally  acknowledged  that  he  had 
received  invitations  from  the  British  in  Canada 


THE  FRONTIER 


67 


to  engage  in  a  war  with  the  United  States, 
though  he  stoutly  maintained  that  he  had 
scorned  them.  Harrison's  confidence,  however, 
was  not  to  be  restored. 

Shortly  after  this,  a  treaty  was  concluded  by 
which  Harrison  obtained  millions  of  acres  of 
the  Wabash  watershed  from  the  Delaware  and 
other  Indian  tribes.  Tecumseh,  though  the 
lands  had  been  those  of  tribes  other  than  his 
own,  bitterly  denounced  the  cession  and  threat- 
ened to  kill  every  chief  concerned  in  it.  He 
grew  bolder,  for  he  was  confident  of  the  success 
of  the  confederacy.  He  had  already  announced 
the  doctrine,  opposed  to  State  or  tribal  rights, 
that  the  domain  of  all  the  Indians  belonged  to 
all  in  common,  and  that  no  part  of  the  territory 
could  be  sold  or  alienated  without  the  consent 
of  all. 

In  the  spring  of  1810  the  Indians  at  the  town 
of  the  Prophet  showed  growing  hostility.  The 
situation  grew  more  strained,  till,  in  July,  Har- 
rison sent  Joseph  Barron,  a  French  interpreter, 
to  ask  the  brothers  to  meet  him  in  friendly 
council  at  Vincennes.  Barron  met  the  Prophet, 
who  raged  and  threatened  him  with  death. 
At  this  juncture  there  appeared  Tecumseh.  He 


68  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


immediately  assured  Barron  that  he  was  safe, 
and  promised  to  visit  Vincennes  shortly.  On 
the  morning  of  August  12  Tecumseh  appeared 
at  Vincennes  with  400  fully  armed  warriors,  in 
place  of  the  thirteen  which  he  had  been 
requested  to  bring,  and  encamped  his  fol- 
lowing in  a  grove  near  the  town.  With  thirty 
warriors  he  advanced  to  the  conference,  which 
he  demanded  should  be  held  in  the  open  air. 
He  refused  a  seat  by  the  side  of  Harrison;  the 
offer,  as  interpreted,  being,  "  Your  father  requests 
you  to  take  a  seat  by  his  side."  The  chief 
drew  his  mantle  about  him,  and,  straighten- 
ing himself,  replied,  "My  father!  The  sun  is 
my  father  and  the  earth  my  mother;  on  her 
bosom  I  will  repose!"  and  seated  himself  upon 
the  ground. 

Tecumseh' s  speeches  were  eloquent,  justifying 
his  rare  fame  as  a  native  orator.  He  enun- 
ciated the  principle  of  unity  that  was  to  ani- 
mate the  confederacy,  and  demanded  the  return 
of  the  recently  ceded  lands.  General  Harrison's 
reply,  reduced  to  concise  brevity,  was  to  the 
effect  that  the  land  had  not  belonged  to  the 
Shawnoese  and  that  it  was  none  of  their  busi- 
ness.   This  aroused  the  anger  of  Tecumseh, 


THE  FRONTIER 


69 


who  poured  out  a  flood  of  fiery  eloquence  de- 
nunciatory of  the  Government,  because  of  the 
wrongs  which  those  of  his  blood  were  suffering. 
His  warriors  made  hostile  demonstrations, 
though  no  bloodshed  occurred,  Harrison  being 
cool-headed  and  preventing  his  guards  from 
firing  on  the  Indians.  This  ended  the  conference 
for  the  day,  an  occasion  which  has  been  famed 
in  song  and  story  through  its  intensely  dra- 
matic features. 

On  the  following  day,  Tecumseh,  disclaiming 
any  intention  of  an  attack  upon  the  Governor 
and  his  friends  the  preceding  day,  asked  for  a 
renewal  of  the  conference,  to  which  Harrison 
assented.  Tecumseh  reiterated  his  position,  and 
the  chiefs  of  five  of  the  tribes  present  agreed 
to  stand  by  him.  Harrison  was  anxious  to 
adjust  matters  if  possible,  and  the  next  day 
had  another  friendly  talk  with  Tecumseh.  The 
conference  ended  with  the  Governor's  promise 
to  lay  the  matter  of  the  demand  for  the  return 
of  the  land  before  the  President,  though  he  as- 
sured the  Indian  that  his  claims  would  not  be 
allowed. 

War  seemed  imminent,  and  Harrison  began 
to  take  measures  to  meet  it.    Tecumseh  kept 


70  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


actively  at  work  perfecting  his  confederacy. 
Predatory  bands  of  Indians  began  operations. 
A  vigorous  letter  from  Harrison  brought  Tecum- 
seh  to  Vincennes  July  27,  1811,  with  300  In- 
dians, He  found  750  militia,  well  armed,  drawn 
up  for  review  before  the  Governor.  Tecumseh 
spoke,  claiming  peaceable  intentions,  but  insist- 
ing on  the  return  of  the  lands.  He  departed  for 
the  south  to  try  to  induce  other  tribes  to  join  his 
league.  The  Indians  who  had  accompanied  him 
to  Vincennes  returned  to  their  town,  dismayed 
by  the  demonstration  of  the  military  strength 
at  the  command  of  the  Governor. 

The  Government's  suggestion,  that  it  might 
be  politic  for  Harrison  to  seize  Tecumseh  and 
the  Prophet  and  hold  them  as  hostages,  re- 
sulted in  a  proposal  by  the  Governor  that  the 
territory's  military  strength  be  augmented  and 
that  a  military  post  be  established  high  up  on 
the  Wabash  near  the  Prophet's  town.  This 
wise  plan  was  assented  to  and  steps  were  taken 
to  put  it  into  operation.  A  call  by  Harrison 
for  volunteers  was  satisfactorily  met  by  men 
like  General  Samuel  Wells  and  Colonel  Owens, 
the  old  Indian  fighters  in  Kentucky.  With  900 
men,    including  some  regulars,  Harrison  left 


THE  FRONTIER 


71 


Vincemies  and  on  October  3  began  the  erection 
of  a  strong  stockade  about  two  miles  above 
where  Terre  Haute  now  stands.  The  fort  was 
completed  the  28th  of  that  month,  occupying  a 
commanding  position  and  being  christened  Fort 
Harrison.  In  the  meantime  messengers  had 
been  sent  to  the  Prophet's  town  with  orders 
from  Harrison,  in  the  name  of  the  Government 
to  cease  some  annoying  depredations  and  dis- 
perse.   The  messengers  never  returned. 

The  fort  was  garrisoned  by  a  small  detach- 
ment under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Miller — the  "I'll 
try,  sir  ! "  hero  of  Niagara,  three  years  afterward. 
The  main  body  of  the  army  received  some  re- 
inforcements of  Kentucky  volunteers.  Harrison 
was  commander-in-chief.  Col.  John  P.  Boyd 
being  his  next  in  command.  Boyd's  250 
regulars,  with  the  volunteers  and  militia, 
comprised  the  force.  The  army,  after  build- 
ing a  blockhouse,  encamped  on  November 
3,  within  eleven  miles  of  the  Prophet's 
town.  The  troops  were  now  surrounded  by 
unseen  foes,  but  Harrison's  caution,  evidenced 
in  the  admirable  disposition  of  his  force,  ren- 
dered an  ambuscade  impossible.  Finally,  when 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  town,  the 


72  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


savages  asked  for  a  parley,  which  was  had. 
The  amenities  were  observed,  and  Harrison's 
request  for  the  designation  of  a  place  of  en- 
campment was  met  with  the  indicating  of  a 
spot  on  the  banks  of  a  creek  northwest  a  mile 
from  the  Indian  town.  Promises  were  exchanged 
that  there  should  be  no  hostilities  till  an  in- 
terview should  be  had  the  next  day.  This 
camping  place  proved  desirable  from  two  dif- 
fering standpoints.  It  was  comfortable  for  the 
purpose  of  the  Americans,  but  it  also  was  con- 
venient for  a  night  attack  by  the  Indians. 
Harrison,  knowing  his  foes,  arranged  his  camp 
and  his  troops  with  care  on  the  afternoon  of 
November  6.  The  men  were  disposed  to  the 
best  advantage  to  resist  any  meditated  treach- 
ery. The  camp  was  thoroughly  provided  with 
sentinels,  and  at  the  usual  hour,  except  for  the 
guards,  was  soundly  sleeping. 

In  the  absence  of  his  brother  Tecumseh,  the 
Prophet  was  about  to  execute  what  he  thought 
would  be  a  grand  coup,  one  that  would  make 
him  glorious.  Unlike  his  brother,  he  was  the 
reverse  of  an  honorable  savage,  a  truce  being 
nothing  to  him.  This  night  was  to  witness  the 
extermination  of  Harrison's  force.    With  mum- 


THE  FRONTIER 


73 


meries  and  mystic  incantations,  with  charms 
that  were  to  render  his  excited  followers  more 
invulnerable  than  Achilles,  since  the  treat- 
ment included  their  coppery  heels,  he  worked 
his  700  fanatics  into  a  state  of  frenzy. 
Harrison  rose  at  four  the  next  morning  and 
was  dressing  when  the  shot  of  a  sentinel 
rang  out,  followed  by  savage  yells  that 
electrified  the  camp.  The  redskins  had  been 
creeping  up  stealthily  to  surprise  their  white 
opponents,  first  tomahawking  the  sentinels, 
but  the  quick  eye  of  a  sentry  had  rendered 
the  amiable  intention  sufficiently  abortive  to 
demonstrate  to  the  first  savages  who  penetrated 
through  the  lines  that  the  desired  quarry  was 
ready  for  them.  To  some  of  these,  who  lingered 
a  little  ere  death  claimed  them,  there  must  have 
been  borne  in  something  of  a  revelation  regard- 
ing the  inefficiency  of  a  recipe  for  invulner- 
ability administered  by  a  certain  dismayed 
Prophet. 

The  high  executive  ability  possessed  by  this 
futile  red  pretender,  this  treacherous  tool  of  an 
absent  and  greater  brother,  may  be  gathered 
from  the  fact  that  he  had  sent  his  dupes  forth 
on  their  murderous  mission   unled,  divided, 


74 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


rushing  forth  Hke  maddened  beasts  to  slay, 
their  sinister  souls  hot  with  the  lust  for  blood 
which  his  dramatic  mummeries  had  fanned  to 
a  raging  flame.  His  own  blundering  hand 
severed  the  thong  that  bound  the  withes  of 
unity,  in^-iting  annihilation  in  the  falling  of 
scattered  reeds.  The  yelping  fanatics,  driven, 
through  the  crafty  play  upon  their  superstition 
and  primitive  passions  into  the  very  jaws  of 
destruction,  met  a  force  the  greater  part  of 
which  had  never  engaged  in  a  battle.  But  the 
ranks  had  been  disposed  by  master  brains,  and 
they  spelt  cohesion.  The  triumph  of  concerted 
defense  was  there:  to  compensate  for  the 
presence  of  inexperience,  there  was  the  added 
inspiration  of  leadership  by  veterans.  It  was 
enough.  With  the  dawn,  while  the  false  Prophet, 
upon  a  hill  far  to  the  eastward  and  well  out  of 
personal  danger,  still  busied  himself  with  liis 
abortive  incantations,  the  last  of  the  redskins 
were  put  to  flight,  and  the  forest  swallowed 
them.  The  following  day  Harrison  and  liis 
forces  entered  the  Prophet's  town  and  found 
it  deserted.  It  was  soon  in  ashes,  and  the 
victors  returned  to  Vincennes. 
What  of  the  result?    Tecumseh,    who  had 


THE  FRONTIER 


75 


been  among  the  southern  Indians,  soon  returned 
to  find  his  hopes  of  the  welding  of  the  con- 
federacy, his  scheme  to  obtain  concessions  from 
the  Government,  frustrated  by  the  folly  of  his 
departed  brother.  His  dreams,  which  were  after 
all  inspired  by  a  spirit  of  true  patriotism  for 
his  people,  were  now  dissolved.  The  die  was 
cast,  and  he  now  became  one  of  the  firmest  of 
British  allies.  As  for  the  Prophet — who  had 
claimed  that  the  fiasco  at  Tippecanoe  was 
caused  by  the  inadvertent  touching  of  some  of 
the  sacred  vessels  by  his  wife — he  started  on 
a  recruiting  tour  among  the  Upper  Lakes  and 
Mississippi  tribes  and  met  with  much  success, 
being  aided  by  some  cunning  arrangements  of 
miracles  which  he  luckily  timed  to  occur  in 
connection  with  earthquakes  and  sun  eclipses, 
for  which  phenomena  he  modestly  claimed  the 
credit.  But  when  most  successful,  he  was  ex- 
posed by  two  rival  chiefs  of  his  own  tribe,  who 
had  followed  him.  These  benefactors  of  their 
kind  fully  demonstrated  to  his  latest  dupes 
that  the  worker  of  mysteries  was  what  is  known 
in  these  later  days  as  a  fakir. 

To  return  to  the  consideration  of  the  frontier 
in  the  War  of  1812,  it  may  be  well,  since  they 


76  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


served  so  prominently  as  theaters  of  action, 
both  decisive  and  abortive,  to  describe  briefly 
Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario,  for  the  dominion  of 
whose  wide  waters  the  two  nations  were  to 
wrestle.  Erie  extends  from  southwest  to  north- 
east 231  miles.  Its  greatest  breadth  is  sixty- 
three  and  one-half  miles,  and  its  circumference 
is  658  miles.  Near  the  Detroit  River  there 
are  many  picturesque  islands.  The  greatest 
depth  of  water  is  between  forty  and  forty- 
five  fathoms.  Gales  of  wind  are  frequent, 
creating  a  heavy  swell.  The  bottom  is  gen- 
erally rocky,  affording  a  precarious  anchor- 
age. From  the  northeast  end  of  Lake  Erie 
the  communication  to  Lake  Ontario  is  by 
the  Niagara  River,  thirty-six  miles  long  and 
varying  from  a  half  mile  to  a  league  in 
breadth,  its  course  nearly  north.  This  stream 
is  famous  for  its  falls,  rapids  and  whirlpool. 
The  velocity  of  the  current  subsides  and  the 
river  grows  more  tranquil  as  it  nears  Lake 
Ontario,  flowing  into  the  western  end.  Ontario 
is  171  miles  long,  has  a  circumference  of  467 
miles,  and  its  greatest  breadth  is  fifty-nine  and 
one-half  miles.  The  depth  of  water  varies  very 
much,  but  is  seldom  less  than  three  or  more 


THE  FKONTIER 


77 


than  fifty  fathoms,  except  in  the  middle,  where 
attempts  have  been  made  with  300  fathoms 
without  striking  somidings.  The  position  of 
the  lake  is  nearly  east  and  west.  The  shores 
exhibit  great  diversity;  toward  the  northeast 
they  are  low  and  marshy ;  to  the  north  and 
northwest  they  are  lofty,  subsiding  very  mod- 
erately on  the  south.  They  are  often  pictur- 
esque, the  cliffs  of  Toronto  and  the  Devil's  Nose, 
over  Presque  Isle,  being  notable  in  the  scenic 
line.  Many  rivers  flow  into  the  lake,  and  there 
are  a  number  of  harbors,  particularly  to  the 
south,  though  it  takes  plenty  of  Governmental 
appropriations  to  keep  most  of  these  open  for 
purposes  of  navigation,  being  obstructed  with 
recurrent  sand  bars.  Heavy  squalls  of  wind 
are  frequent  on  this  lake,  and  tales  of  wreckage 
and  death  are  by  no  means  infrequent. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  United 
States'  principal  lake  port  was  Sackets  Har- 
bor (formerly  spelled  Sackett's),  and  this  young 
hamlet,  possessing  a  mere  huddle  of  houses, 
was  made  the  official  headquarters  for  the 
armies  of  the  north,  and  for  the  naval  opera- 
tions on  the  lakes.  It  is  strange  to  reflect 
that  Ontario,  designed  to  serve  as  the  principal 


78  OLIVER  HAZAED  PERRY 


arena  of  conflict,  figured  so  obscurely  when 
finis  was  written  to  the  tale,  her  pale  scroll 
of  three  indeterminate  years  drowned  in  the 
glory  of  that  single  deed  on  the  waters  of  Erie 
by  Chauncey's  young  subaltern. 

A  man,  when  gazing  out  across  a  field  of 
wide  waters,  may  readily  feel  a  sense  of  puny 
insignificance  by  contrast  with  the  far-flung, 
pulsing  power.  But  let  him  be  consoled.  Men 
are  more  potent  than  many  waters;  the  des- 
tinies of  the  first  may  control  those  of  the 
second.  The  name  of  Erie  is  linked,  while 
tales  are  told,  with  the  names  of  two  men  who 
dared.  The  name  of  Ontario  endiu'es  alone — 
while  those  of  two  other  men,  who  dared  not, 
are  forgotten. 

Sackets  Harbor  offered  exceptional  advan- 
tages as  a  strategic  point.  It  was  opposite 
from  Kingston,  the  principal  naval  station  of 
the  British,  and  was  well  calculated  to  resist 
attack,  being  protected  by  a  long,  high  rock 
bluff  on  the  lake  side,  with  an  excellent  har- 
bor in  the  rear.  A  long  point  of  land,  which 
afforded  excellent  opportunity  for  ship  building, 
flanked  the  outer  edge  of  the  harbor.  The 
virgin  forest  encroached  upon  the  village,  afford- 


THE  FRONTIER 


79 


ing  the  materials  for  the  crafts  of  war.  From 
this  point  mihtary  and  naval  operations  could 
be  prosecuted  up  the  lakes  and  down  the  St. 
Lawrence.  Oswego  stood  next  in  importance  to 
Sackets  Harbor  among  the  Americans'  few  On- 
tario lake  ports  at  this  time,  while  Ogdensburg 
was  the  chief  American  river  town.  As  for  the 
English,  their  chief  ports  on  Ontario  were  Little 
York,  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada  (now  To- 
ronto), and  Kingston.  They  remain  the  chief 
ports  to-day,  while  on  the  American  side,  Sack- 
ets Harbor,  somnolent  and  senile,  quaintly 
picturesque,  languishes  in  the  cerements  of  fad- 
ing memories. 

The  port  of  Kingston  was  as  advantageous 
to  British  ends  as  was  Sackets  Harbor  to  the 
Americans.  It  is  located  at  the  point  where 
the  waters  of  the  lower  lake  become  merged 
with  those  of  the  Canadian  channel  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  River.  Kingston  was  the  most  popu- 
lous town  in  the  Upper  Province  and  formed 
the  principal  headquarters  for  the  lakes,  as 
Sackets  Harbor  did  for  the  opponents  of  the 
British  to  the  south.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
war  the  British  had  four  armed  vessels  on 
Lake  Ontario — the  Royal  George,  22;  Earl  of 


80  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Moira,  16;  Prince  Regent,  14,  and  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  8.  There  were  also  several  smaller  ves- 
sels nearly  ready  for  service.  As  for  land  forces, 
the  British  had  in  Canada  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  struggle  about  7,500  regulars  and 
40,000  in  militia.  The  population  of  all  the 
North  American  British  colonies  was  estimated 
at  400,000.  Both  the  northern  and  southern 
frontiers  of  the  lakes  were  very  sparsely  settled, 
though  on  the  Upper  St.  Lawrence  the  British 
had  more  numerous  and  more  populous  towns 
than  had  the  State  of  New  York  at  that  time. 
Most  ports,  on  either  side,  however,  were  quite 
adequately  defended. 

The  first  battle  of  the  War  of  1812  occurred 
on  a  Sabbath  morning  in  July,  off  Sackets 
Harbor,  when  a  squadron  of  five  vessels  under 
Commodore  Earle  came  to  the  port  to  take  the 
Lord  Nelson,  a  British  vessel  that  had  been 
captured,  and  the  Oneida,  the  latter  the  nucleus 
of  the  American  fleet  on  that  lake.  They  were 
repulsed  by  the  land  batteries  and  withdrew 
with  somewhat  damaged  ships. 

The  American  "fleet"  on  Ontario  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  struggle  consisted  of  one  vessel,  the 
Oneida.    In  order  to  further  their  chances  of 


THE  FRONTIER 


81 


securing  the  command  of  the  lake,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  convert  merchant  schooners  into  gun- 
boats. Six  of  these  were  at  Ogdensburg  when 
war  was  declared.  Two  British  warships  were 
sent  from  Kingston  to  Prescott,  opposite  Ogdens- 
burg, to  pen  in  these  schooners  and  seize 
them  if  possible  for  British  purposes.  To  res- 
cue them,  there  sailed  from  Sackets  Harbor, 
July  30,  the  Julia,  an  armed  schooner,  with  a 
convoy  of  riflemen  in  a  Durham  boat.  This 
was  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of  that  re- 
sourceful militia  commander,  General  Jacob 
Brown,  whose  gallantry  later  won  him  a  com- 
mission as  Brigadier-General  in  the  regular 
army,  of  which,  years  later,  he  was  to  be  in- 
vested with  the  supreme  command.  The  Julia 
met  the  two  British  vessels  off  Morristown, 
eleven  miles  above  Ogdensburg,  and  a  sharp 
engagement  of  three  hours  resulted.  The  Julia's 
guns  disabled  her  antagonists  so  that  they 
retired,  she  herself  being  practically  unharmed. 
The  Julia  then  dropped  down  the  river,  took 
the  six  schooners  under  her  protection,  and 
brought  them  to  the  lake. 
The  first  regular  troops  appeared  at  Sackets 

Harbor  in  August.    Recruiting  was  prosecuted 
6 


82  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


vigorously.  The  Government's  head-scratch- 
ings  in  the  matter  of  the  selection  of  a  com- 
mander-in-chief for  the  navies  of  the  lakes 
resulted  in  the  choice  of  Captain  Isaac 
Chauncey,  then  in  charge  of  the  Brooklyn  Navy 
Yard.  He  was  commissioned  August  31,  enter- 
ing upon  his  duties  immediately  on  the  re- 
ceipt of  his  orders.  The  first  week  in  Septem- 
ber he  sent  forward  forty  ship  carpenters,  with 
Henry  Eckford  at  their  head.  The  latter,  by 
the  way,  was  admirably  chosen  for  his  mis- 
sion. None  surpassed  him  in  speed  and 
thoroughness  in  the  gentle  art  of  transform- 
ing a  generous  slice  of  forest  into  a  finished 
vessel.  There  were  many  such,  and  had  the 
ships  but  fulfilled  the  purpose  for  which  they 
were  built — but,  to  quote  a  much  hackneyed 
phrase  of  Kipling's,  that  is  another  story. 

Commander  Woolsey  was  directed  to  purchase 
some  merchant  vessels  for  the  service;  and 
officers  and  seamen,  with  munitions,  left  New 
York  for  Sackets  Harbor  September  18. 
Chauncey  arrived  there  October  6.  A  half- 
dozen  schooners  were  purchased,  converted  and 
renamed.  With  the  Oneida  and  Julia  these  con- 
stituted the  fleet,  mounting  forty  guns,  and 


THE  FRONTIER 


83 


manned  by  less  than  five  hundred  men,  marines 
included.  The  British  at  this  time  had  double 
the  weight  of  metal  in  their  navy,  with  a  far 
greater  force.  Lake  Erie,  which  was  included  in 
Chauncey's  command,  presented  the  obstacle  of 
Niagara  Falls,  so  its  vessels  had  perforce  to 
be  built  upon  its  shores  or  at  Detroit,  where 
the  unfinished  brig  Adams,  captured  at  Hull's 
surrender,  was  built.  Lieutenant  Jesse  D.  Elliott 
was  sent  by  Chauncey  to  Erie  with  instructions 
to  purchase  vessels  such  as  those  secured  by 
Commander  Woolsey.  As  for  the  naval  opera- 
tions on  Ontario  that  autumn,  they  were  un- 
important. Chauncey's  squadron  started  out 
on  a  cruise  to  intercept  the  British  squadron 
on  their  return  to  Kingston  from  Fort  George, 
where  they  had  conveyed  troops  and  munitions, 
the  fort  being  on  the  Niagara  River.  The  squad- 
ron spied  the  Royal  George,  Earle's  flagship, 
and  chased  him  into  Kingston  Harbor,  where 
a  rather  harmless  engagement  of  the  flagship 
and  the  land  batteries  occurred.  The  smaller 
ships  made  the  attack,  the  Oneida  acting  as 
rear  guard.  The  land  batteries  were  more  for- 
midable than  Chauncey  had  supposed,  and  a 
gale  arose,  so  anchor  was  weighed  and  the 


84  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


fleet  stood  lakeward.  Soon  after  Chauncey 
essayed  to  seize  the  Earl  of  Moira,  capturing 
instead  a  small  schooner  that  the  warship  was 
convoying.  He  also  saw  the  Royal  George  and 
two  schooners,  but  they  did  not  seem  disposed 
to  meet  him.  "In  this  short  cruise,"  says 
Lossing,  "Chauncey  captured  three  merchant 
vessels,  destroyed  one  armed  schooner  and  dis- 
abled the  British  flagship  and  took  several 
prisoners,  with  a  loss  on  his  part  of  only  one 
man  killed  and  four  wounded.  The  loss  of  the 
British  is  not  found  on  record.  " 

This  rather  colorless  beginning  extended  in- 
terminably until  the  end.  It  was  perhaps  for- 
tunate for  American  prestige  that  Chauncey's 
antagonists  were  worthy  of  his  rather  dubious 
steel.  The  serial  tale  of  naval  exploits  on  On- 
tario during  the  war  is  divertingly  remindful 
of  a  game  of  tag.  Sackets  Harbor  and  Kings- 
ton were  the  naval  depots  of  their  respective 
Governments  upon  the  lakes.  At  these  points 
occurred  the  concentration  of  force  and  effort. 
Yet  in  an  hour  the  waters  of  Erie  ran  red  with 
blood — while  in  three  long  years  those  of  On- 
tario were  scarcely  tinged. 

A  blockade  was  maintained  for  a  time  of 


THE  FEONTIER 


85 


Kingston  Harbor  by  a  part  of  Chauncey's 
fleet,  while  he  sailed  for  the  head  of  the  lake 
with  the  rest  of  his  vessels,  searching  for  more 
British  boats.  Gales  occurred,  forcing  him 
back,  and  navigation  closed  early  in  December. 
Meanwhile  the  Madison  had  been  launched  No- 
vember 26,  only  forty-five  days  after  her  keel 
had  been  laid,  attesting  the  energy,  often  dis- 
played later,  of  Henry  Eckford.  Preparations 
were  now  pushed  vigorously  for  the  ensuing 
year. 

The  world  well  knows  how  abortive  were  the 
attempts  made  during  the  war  to  invade 
Canada  from  the  Niagara  frontier.  The  expedi- 
tions fitted  out  for  that  purpose  were  dispirit- 
ing failures.  The  chief  source  of  satisfaction  to 
Americans  in  a  perusal  of  the  record  of  those 
times,  must  lie  in  the  reflection  that  the  British, 
too,  in  their  several  attacks  upon  points  on  the 
southern  frontier,  were  also  generally  repulsed. 
As  for  a  general  invasion  of  the  southern  On- 
tario frontier  during  the  war,  the  British  often 
threatened  it,  but  contented  themselves  with 
infrequent,  scattered  attacks,  reserving  their 
strength,  principally,  to  resist  the  omnipresent 
menace  of  formidable  Canadian  invasion.  In 


86  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


this  they  were  most  singularly  supported  by 
the  loyal  population  of  that  Dominion,  which 
is  the  most  steadfast  of  all  her  dependencies 
to  Great  Britain's  cause  and  flag.  The  men 
to  the  north  of  the  waters,  as  strongly  rooted 
in  adherence  to  their  King  as  were  those  to 
the  south  in  allegiance  to  their  Constitution, 
formed  a  bulwark  of  defense,  apart  from  the 
additional  safeguard  of  imported  regulars,  that 
could  not  but  render  plans  of  invasion  prac- 
tically hopeless  at  their  very  inception.  A  mis- 
taken impression  prevailed  in  Governmental 
circles  at  Washington  in  regard  to  this.  It  was 
believed  that  an  invading  army  would  be  wel- 
comed generally  by  Canadians,  who  were  under- 
stood to  be  weary  of  British  rule  and  anxious 
to  transfer  their  allegiance.  It  was  thought, 
therefore,  that  they  would  be  ready  to  assist 
the  United  States  in  the  elimination  of  English 
sovereignty  on  this  continent.  The  fallacy  of 
this  idea  was  to  be  quickly  demonstrated,  at 
crushing  cost.  The  spirit  of  Canadian  fealty  to 
England,  so  unmistakably  expressed,  as  it  is 
to-day  in  the  prefatory  remarks  of  a  late  edition 
of  Charles  Mair's  "Tecumseh,"  was  equally 
virile   then.    When  the  second  war  came,  it 


THE  FRONTIER  87 

transpired  as  in  '76,  and  Britain  had  in  her 
dependency  a  tireless  ally.  In  the  light  of  the 
services  rendered  their  mother  country  by 
Canadians  in  those  two  wars,  it  would  seem 
to  an  American  that  British  historians,  gen- 
erally, of  those  old  days,  hardly  gave  them  the 
credit  that  was  their  due.  Their  assistance 
was  taken,  with  deliciously  characteristic  Eng- 
lish complacency,  as  a  matter  of  course;  and 
if  British  arms  suffered  a  reverse  it  was  usually 
explained  by  a  reference  to  the  fact  that  depend- 
ence had  been  placed  on  "unreliable  colonials." 
It  is  refreshing,  however,  to  note  that  through 
long  years  of  unswerving  devotion  and  sacrifice 
to  British  ends,  the  Canadians  are  at  last 
winning  something  more  of  appreciation  from 
Englishmen  :  an  awakening  spirit  which  found 
expression  in  the  tight  little  island's  recognition 
of  the  work  of  Canadian  regiments  in  the  Boer 
War. 

All  efforts  of  Americans,  during  this  first 
campaign,  were  to  be  directed  toward  the  in- 
vasion of  Canada.  All  the  regular  troops, 
with  volunteers  and  militia,  were  concentrated 
at  the  north,  toward  this  end;  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  regulars  left  to  help  bodies 


88 


olbt:r  hazard  perry 


of  militia  garrison  fortifications  on  the  sea 
coast.  The  invasion  was  to  be  attempted  from 
the  Niagara  frontier,  and  also  from  Detroit, 
a  point  then  considered  as  far  west.  Governor 
William  Hull,  of  Michigan,  was  in  Washington 
dming  the  spring  of  1812.  when  the  invasion 
was  being  discussed,  and  ad^-ised  against  it, 
on  the  ground  that  the  British  authorities 
were  enlisting  the  savages  of  the  Northwest  as 
their  allies.  He  urged  the  maintenance  of  an 
American  fleet  on  Lake  Erie.  President  Madison 
caused  steps  to  be  taken  toward  the  building 
of  a  fleet,  and  prevailed  upon  Hull  to  accept 
the  commission  of  a  brigadier-general,  and 
take  command  of  a  force  of  mihtia  to  be  secured 
from  Ohio.  General  Hull  assumed  formal  com- 
mand of  the  little  army  of  volunteers  near 
Dayton.  May  25.  The  army  began  its  march 
up  the  Miami  June  1.  They  proceeded  to 
Urbana.  then  a  frontier  town,  where  reinforce- 
ments joined  them.  There  now  lay  between 
them  and  Detroit,  their  destination,  an  almost 
unbroken  and  formidable  wildnerness.  They 
proceeded  slowly,  being  met  by  messengers  from 
Detroit  with  alarming  news  of  the  unfriendliness 
of  the  Indians;  caused  largely  by  the  efforts  of 


THE  FRONTIER 


89 


Tecumseh.  They  pushed  on  to  Fort  Findlay, 
where  Hull  received  a  message  from  the  War 
Department,  urging  him  to  hasten  to  Detroit. 
This  message  was  sent  the  day  war  was  de- 
clared, but  did  not  mention  that  momentous 
fact.  Hull  did  not  get  word  of  this  till  July 
2,  when,  near  Frenchtown,  a  courier  reached 
him  with  a  second  message  from  the  depart- 
ment stating  that  war  had  been  declared  and  di- 
recting him  to  proceed  at  once  to  his  post,  make 
such  arrangements  for  the  defense  of  the  coun- 
try as  seemed  to  him  necessary,  and  await 
further  orders.  Hull  had  sent  a  schooner  ahead, 
with  effects,  to  Detroit.  The  British  had  been 
apprised  of  the  fact  that  war  had  been  declared 
before  he  had  learned  it,  and  the  schooner  was 
captured  by  them  when  passing  Maiden.  The 
prior  knowledge  by  the  British  of  the  state  of 
war  has  led  to  a  great  deal  of  conjecture. 
The  second  dispatch  to  Hull,  containing  news 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  bore  the  same  date 
as  that  received  by  him  at  Fort  Findlay,  in 
which  nothing  had  been  said  of  war.  The  firs  b 
had  been  sent  by  special  courier  direct  from 
Washington;  the  second  mailed  to  Cleveland, 
to  be  intrusted  there  to  whomever  might  be 


90  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


secured  to  carry  it  through  the  wilderness  to 
Hull.  Thinking  upon  this  strange  state  of 
affairs,  Hull's  fears  were  aroused  that  the 
British  might  have  learned  that  war  was  de- 
clared, as  was  indeed  the  case,  and  would  seize 
the  schooner  at  Maiden.  He  tried  to  have  her 
recalled,  but  it  was  too  late.  It  was  claimed 
afterward,  and  the  assumption  has  not  lacked 
for  supporters  since,  that  Hull's  tardy  ap- 
prisement  of  the  state  of  affairs  was  due  to 
the  machinations  of  Southern  politicians,  who 
did  not  wish  to  see  Canada  annexed,  fearing 
that  such  a  step,  by  increasing  the  domain  of 
free  labor,  would  snap  the  influence  of  the  slave- 
holding  States  in  national  affairs.  It  has  been 
also  claimed  that  these  representatives  of  South- 
ern interests  influenced  President  Madison  to 
withhold  aid  from  General  Hull  for  this  reason. 

After  a  day  at  Frenchtown,  Hull's  army  pro- 
ceeded to  Spring  Wells,  at  the  lower  end  of  the 
Detroit  settlement,  opposite  Sandwich,  in 
Canada.  The  British  were  throwing  up  forti- 
fications at  a  point  not  far  from  here,  opposite 
Detroit.  The  force  was  anxious  to  invade 
Canada  at  once ;  but  Hull  refused  to  do  so  till 
he  received  authority  from  Washington.  This 


THE  FRONTIER 


91 


caused  a  deep  feeling  of  resentment;  but  a 
letter  arrived  immediately  afterward  from  the 
Secretary  of  War  directing  the  General  to  begin 
operations  at  once,  and  take  Fort  Maiden,  if 
circumstances  justified.  He  was  also  directed  to 
assure  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  about 
to  be  invaded,  of  protection  to  their  persons 
and  property.  Hull  decided,  therefore,  to  cross 
into  Canada  at  once,  to  the  great  satisfaction 
of  his  force.  He,  by  recourse  to  stealth,  deceived 
the  British  by  a  feigned  move  to  attack  Maiden, 
and  got  his  army  of  something  over  two  thou- 
sand men  across  the  river  upon  Canadian  soil, 
landing  just  above  Windsor.  Hull  issued  a 
proclamation,  promising  immunity  for  all  peace- 
ful citizens,  setting  forth  the  issues  upon  which 
the  United  States  had  taken  up  arms,  and 
stating  his  nation's  purpose  of  liberating 
Canada  from  English  tyranny.  He  warned 
them,  however,  that  no  quarter  would  be  shown 
men  fighting  by  the  side  of  Indians.  The  proc- 
lamation served  to  reassure  many  citizens, 
who  kept  on  with  their  customary  avocations. 
Several  small  expeditions  by  detachments  of 
American  troops  followed,  in  which  some  British 
regulars,    Canadian    militia   and   parties  of 


92  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Tecumseh's  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  Colonel 
Lewis  Cass  won  deserved  distinction  in  some 
of  these  sallies.  Hull,  however,  stating  that 
he  was  not  yet  prepared,  deferred  the  antici- 
pated attack  on  Maiden,  His  course  is  best 
explained  by  the  claim  that  has  been  made 
to  the  effect  that  he  believed  the  works  and 
garrison  to  be  much  stronger  than  they  in 
reality  were.  So  dubious,  however,  was  Colonel 
St.  George,  who  commanded  the  post,  of  his 
ability  to  hold  it,  that  he  had  determined  to 
risk  a  battle  in  the  open  field,  though  his 
force  was  inferior  to  Hull's,  rather  than  trust 
to  the  flimsy  fortifications.  The  continued 
deferring  of  the  expected  attack,  however,  gave 
an  opportunity  for  strengthening  of  that  post, 
which  was  thoroughly  improved.  The  wasted 
days  were  irksome  to  Hull's  force,  which  began 
to  murmur  against  him.  The  General  left  the 
army  July  21  for  Detroit,  where  he  remained 
four  days.  In  his  absence  the  command  of 
the  army  devolved  upon  Colonel  Duncan  Mc- 
Arthur,  who  resolved  to  make  an  attempt  on 
Maiden.  The  night  of  the  24th  Major  Denny 
led  an  advance  party  to  drive  back  some 
Indians  that  bade  fair  to  hinder  the  approach. 


THE  FRONTIER 


93 


The  next  day  he  had  skirmishes  with  them, 
which  resulted  in  his  men's  retreating  in  con- 
fusion. The  whole  party  then  returned  to 
camp.  Denny  had  lost  six  killed  and  two 
wounded.  The  uneasiness  of  the  little  army, 
that  now  thoroughly  doubted  the  absent  com- 
mander, was  augmented  by  receipt  of  the  news 
of  the  surrender  of  Mackinack  to  the  British, 
the  post's  commander,  through  the  remissness 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  not  having  been  ap- 
prised of  the  fact  that  war  had  been  declared. 
The  chiefs  of  hostile  Indian  tribes,  now  in  con- 
ference with  the  British  at  Mackinack,  had 
runners  at  work  preparing  their  braves  to 
gather  for  an  attack  upon  Detroit.  Hull,  whose 
deliberation  had  lost  him  whatever  chance 
he  may  have  had,  now  confronted  a  situation 
of  increasing  difficulty.  Reinforcements  and 
supplies,  for  which  he  had  sent  to  the  Governors 
of  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  had  not  yet  arrived. 
The  news  arrived  that  Colonel  Proctor  had 
arrived  at  Maiden  with  reinforcements.  And, 
as  a  climax,  Hull  at  last  became  aware  of  the 
growing  spirit  of  resentment  toward  himself. 
During  the  first  week  of  August,  however,  the 
news  reached  the  Americans  that  reinforcements 


94  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


of  Ohio  volunteers  and  provisions  were  at  the 
crossing  of  the  River  Raisin,  thirty-five  miles 
away. 

But  the  activity  of  Major-General  Brock,  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  in  charge  of  Upper  Canada, 
whose  vigorous  policy  was  in  marked  contrast 
to  the  dilatory  one  of  his  chief,  Sir  George 
Prevost,  the  Governor-General  at  Quebec,  was 
fast  rendering  the  idea  of  a  Canadian  invasion 
a  hopeless  one.  Through  his  persistent  energy 
with  the  Assembly,  and  in  the  collection  of  men 
and  munitions,  British  arms  were  fast  rallying 
to  the  defense  of  the  province. 

The  criticisms  of  Hull's  men  at  the  continued 
inaction  caused  him  to  call  a  council  of  field 
officers,  when  it  was  decided  to  move  at  once 
upon  Maiden.  There  was  a  stir  of  preparation, 
when,  on  the  very  heels  of  the  first  order,  came 
a  second  and  disheartening  one.  It  was  to 
recross  the  river  to  Detroit,  in  consequence  of 
intelligence  just  received  to  the  effect  that  a 
considerable  force  of  British  regulars,  militia 
and  Indians  were  coming,  under  Brock,  to  at- 
tack the  Americans  in  the  rear.  Sullenly  the 
army  recrossed  the  river  on  the  night  of  August 
7th  and  the  morning  of  the  8th,  and  camped 


THE  FRONTIER 


95 


on  the  plain  behind  Fort  Detroit.  Hull's  rea- 
sons for  falling  back  to  Detroit  included  his 
desire  to  retain  a  permanent  communication 
between  his  army  and  its  source  of  supplies 
in  the  Ohio  settlements.  He  dispatched  600 
men,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  Miller, 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  8th,  to  open  a  com- 
munication with  the  Raisin  and  escort  Brush's 
Ohio  reinforcements  and  provisions,  referred 
to  previously,  to  Detroit.  A  former  expedition, 
small  in  numbers,  sent  for  the  same  purpose 
while  the  army  was  on  the  Canadian  side, 
had  failed,  being  turned  back  by  Indians.  This 
second  expedition,  when  but  twenty-two  miles 
from  the  Raisin,  was  attacked  by  a  force  of 
British  and  redskins,  the  latter  under  Tecumseh. 
The  Americans  beat  them  off  and  put  them  to 
flight.  Miller  sent  the  news  to  Hull,  asking  for 
provisions,  as  he  wished  to  push  on  to  the  Raisin. 
They  were  sent  him  in  charge  of  McArthur.  He 
was  ill  for  several  days,  so  that  he  could  not 
proceed  at  once  toward  the  Raisin,  and  sent  to 
Hull  for  more  provisions.  His  messenger  met 
Colonel  Cass  below  the  River  Aux  Ecorces  and 
told  him  of  the  delay.  Cass,  to  save  precious 
time,  sent  a  short  dispatch  to  Hull  acquainting 


96         OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


him  with  Miller's  illness  and  asking  if  he,  Cass, 
might  relieve  him.  Receiving  no  reply  he  re- 
turned to  Detroit,  meeting  on  his  way  an  ex- 
press bearing  to  Miller  positive  orders  to  return 
to  headquarters.  The  order  was  complied  with, 
while  the  bitterness  of  the  troops  increased. 
There  was  even  talk  among  the  subordinate 
officers  of  taking  the  command  from  Hull  and 
giving  it  to  one  of  their  number  to  be  selected, 
though  they  naturally  hesitated  to  take  so 
radical  a  step.  They  contented  themselves 
with  the  preparation  of  a  letter  in  which 
Governor  Meigs,  of  Ohio,  was  urged  to  hurry 
forward  reinforcements  and  supplies.  In  the 
meantime  General  Brock  had  joined  Proctor  at 
Maiden  with  a  few  regulars  and  some  hundreds 
of  militia,  secured  with  great  trouble.  Here 
Brock  met  Tecumseh,  and  held  a  conference 
with  the  Indians  August  14,  at  which  the 
chiefs  promised  to  support  him  in  an  attempt 
upon  Detroit.  Brock's  position  was  one  of 
amnesty  toward  those  Canadians  who  had 
previously  been  under  Hull's  protection.  Mean- 
while General  Hull,  whose  entire  conduct  at  this 
time  displayed  the  pitiable  anxiety  and  inde- 
'dsion  under  which  he  was  laboring,  sent  an- 


THE  FRONTIER 


97 


other  relief  expedition  to  Brush,  to  afford  him 
safe  escort  to  Detroit,  but  changed  his  mind 
and  recalled  them  before  they  had  gone  far 
on  the  errand.  The  artful  Brock  had  num- 
bers of  his  militia  dressed  as  regulars.  He 
caused  alarming  and  seemingly  credible  reports 
to  reach  Hull  of  the  threatened  descent  of 
thousands  of  Indians  upon  Detroit  from  Mack- 
inack.  Dearborn  had  failed  to  make  diversions 
in  Hull's  favor  on  the  Niagara  or  at  Kingston, 
as  he  had  been  directed  to  do.  Communica- 
tions from  Ohio,  the  source  of  supplies,  seemed 
not  to  be  relied  upon.  Added  to  these  fears  the 
supreme  one,  that  his  little  army  was  threat- 
ened with  annihilation  by  the  savages,  and 
censure  of  Hull  must  inevitably  be  tinged  with 
pity.  It  was  a  different  Hull,  after  all,  with 
wearied  brain  and  silvered  hairs,  from  the 
vigorous  Revolutionary  hero  of  the  preceding 
century. 

The  British  had  taken  possession  of  Sand- 
wich, after  the  Americans'  withdrawal  to  De- 
troit, and  planted  a  battery  that  commanded 
the  latter  place.  Hull,  seeming  not  to  desire 
to  exasperate  the  enemy,  refused  permission 
to  his  artillerymen  to  open  fire  on  them  from 
7 


98  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  fort.  The  British  completed  their  hostile 
preparations  without  molestation,  and,  on  the 
15th,  Brock  sent  by  two  officers  with  a  flag 
with  the  message  that  his  force  authorized 
him  to  demand  the  unconditional  surrender 
of  Detroit,  and  with  the  intimation  that 
though  Brock  was  personally  averse  to  a  war 
of  extermination,  his  Indians  would  be  beyond 
his  command  the  moment  the  contest  should 
commence.  The  latter  menace  weighed  mightily 
with  Hull,  as  the  fort  held  many  helpless, 
frightened  women  and  children  and  feeble  old 
men  from  the  surrounding  country,  but  his 
pride  and  his  patriotism — which,  though  his 
course  may  have  been  a  mistaken  one,  he  un- 
doubtedly possessed — impelled  him  to  resist. 
He  deliberated  for  some  time,  finally  returning 
to  Brock  his  refusal  to  surrender,  which  de- 
cision his  troops  hailed  with  lively  satisfaction. 
The  enemy  prepared  for  the  assault,  Hull  refusing 
to  allow  a  detachment  of  his  men  to  attempt 
to  spike  their  guns  or  to  have  a  gun  placed  at 
Spring  Wells,  where  the  enemy  seemed  likely 
to  attempt  to  land.  He  seemed  powerlesss  to 
plan  coherently,  impaled  upon  the  horns  of  a 
dilemma  which  grew  more  frightful  with  the 


THE  FRONTIER 


99 


passing  hours.  The  enemy  crossed  the  river 
in  full  force  early  in  the  morning  of  Sunday, 
the  16th,  and  landed  sans  a  disputing  volley. 
They  breakfasted,  and  then  moved  slowly  to- 
ward the  American  line,  the  States'  forces  being 
drawn  up,  judiciously  distributed,  to  oppose 
them  at  the  electrifying  order  that  was  momen- 
tarily expected.  One  came,  but  it  was  to  the 
effect  that  the  outer  line  should  retire  within 
the  fort.  It  was  obeyed,  though  almost  mu- 
tinously. Now  a  ball  from  the  battery  on  the 
Canadian  shore  cleared  the  fort  wall,  killing 
several  officers  and  soldiers.  General  Hull  then 
directed  his  son,  Captain  Hull,  to  display  a 
white  flag  over  the  walls  of  the  fort,  which  soon 
stopped  the  firing,  and  gave  him  a  hastily 
written  note,  which  he  bore  out  of  the  fort 
with  a  flag  of  truce.  He  carried  proposals  for 
an  immediate  capitulation.  In  this  Hull  acted 
solely  for  himself;  he  stood  alone.  The  in- 
credulous amazement  with  which  the  troops 
comprehended  the  humiliating  truth — the  white 
flag  ere  a  defending  gun  had  been  fired — was 
succeeded  swiftly  by  curses  and  bitter  tears. 
The  terms  of  capitulation  were  soon  agreed 
to,  and  the  formal  surrender  of  the  fort  and 


100        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


garrison  took  place  on  the  16th.  The  bitter-^^ 
ness  felt  at  this  outcome  was  augmented  by 
the  fact  that  powerful  reinforcements  and  ample 
supplies  were  then  on  their  way  to  the  south- 
ward. Two  thousand  men  became  prisoners 
of  war.  Large  quantities  of  arms,  ammunition 
and  stores,  then  much  needed  in  Upper  Canada, 
fell  into  British  hands.  The  influence  of  the 
British  over  the  Indians  was  cemented.  The 
volunteers  and  militia  who  had  been  made 
prisoners,  with  some  minor  regular  officers, 
were  allowed  to  return  home  on  parole.  Those 
of  Michigan  were  discharged  at  Detroit.  The 
Ohio  volunteers  were  taken  in  ships  to  Cleve- 
land, from  whence  they  made  they  way  home. 
General  Hull  and  the  regulars  were  taken  as 
prisoners  of  war  to  Montreal.  General  Brock 
issued  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  to  the  people 
of  Michigan,  calling  upon  them  to  give  up  pub- 
lic property  therein,  made  arrangements  for  the 
civil  and  military  occupation  of  the  territory, 
and  leaving  Colonel  Proctor  in  command  of 
a  garrison  at  Detroit,  hastened  back  to  Little 
York.  His  brief,  energic  period  of  labor  brought 
results  that  won  for  him  the  undying  admira- 
tion of  Canadians  and  a  baronetcy  at  the 


THE  FRONTIER  101 


hands  of  the  Prince  Regent  of  Great  Britain. 
Of  the  arrival  of  the  American  prisoners  at 
Montreal,  of  the  courtesies  shown  General  Hull 
and  his  officers  by  Sir  George  Prevost,  of  the 
speedy  release  of  the  venerable  General,  who 
retired  to  his  farm  at  Newton,  Massachusetts, 
it  is  necessary  to  speak  but  briefly  here.  A 
court-martial  was  held  in  Philadelphia  J anuary 
3,  1814,  to  try  Hull  on  the  general  charges 
of  cowardice  and  conduct  unworthy  of  an 
officer.  General  Dearborn  presided,  an  officer 
whose  own  record  that  year  could  claim  nothing 
of  effectiveness,  and  whose  remissness  in  sending 
notification  to  Hull  of  the  armistice  entered 
into  between  himself  and  Prevost  prevented 
the  last  chance  of  saving  Detroit.^  Hull  was 
found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  shot  and 
his  name  struck  from  the  rolls  of  the  army. 
The  court,  however,  because  of  his  age  and 
Revolutionary  record,  recommended  him  to 
Executive  mercy.  President  Madison  pardoned 
him.  He  died  about  a  dozen  years  later,  on 
his  farm,  the  object  of  almost  universal  re- 
proach, yet  serene  through  it  all  in  the  con- 
scientious belief  that,  at  the  cost  of  his  reputa- 
tion, he  had  acted  for  the  best  and  prevented 
*Lossing's  Field  Book,  p.  293. 


102        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


a  horrible  massacre  of  all  those  in  Detroit  who 
were  under  his  protection.  On  his  death-bed 
he  declared  that  he  had  never  regretted  the  act. 
Right  or  wrong,  it  must  be  admitted  that  all 
the  signs  point  to  the  conclusion  that  William 
Hull  courted  shame  by  performing  what  he  be- 
lieved to  be  his  duty.  In  its  bitter  consequences, 
one  realizes  the  pathos  of  his  closing  years. 
If  he  was  lax,  so  also  were  others.  General 
Dearborn,  with  his  interminable  delays  and 
the  effects  of  his  indifferently  communicated 
armistice  with  Prevost,  as  well  as  the  slothfuUy 
inefficient  War  Department,  must  divide  the  re- 
sponsibility with  Hull.  For  not  one,  but  many 
causes  contributed  to  Detroit's  fall, 

Hull's  surrender  gave  the  British  the  undis- 
puted command  of  Lake  Erie,  the  American 
brig  Adams,  afterward  called  the  Detroit,  hav- 
ing fallen  into  their  hands.  On  October  7  the 
British  brigs  Detroit  and  Caledonia,  the  former 
manned  by  fifty-six  men  and  having  thirty 
American  prisoners  on  board,  and  the  latter 
having  a  crew  of  a  dozen  men  with  ten  prisoners 
aboard,  came  down  the  lake  and  anchored 
under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  Fort  Erie. 
Lieutenant  Elliott,  who  was  then  at  Buffalo, 
engaged  in  his  commission  of  fitting  out  vessels 


THE  FRONTIER 


103 


from  the  public  service,  purchased  to  dispute 
British  supremacy  on  Erie,  observed  the  arrival 
of  the  brigs.  He  determined  to  get  possession 
of  them  if  possible. 

The  Lieutenant  collected  about  one  hundred 
men,  half  of  them  sailors,  who  had  arrived  that 
day  after  a  500-mile  march,  and  stationed  them, 
at  four  in  the  afternoon,  in  two  boats,  which, 
under  Elliott's  command,  put  off  from  the 
mouth  of  Buffalo  Creek  at  one  of  the  morning 
after.  In  two  hours  they  were  alongside  the 
British  brigs,  which  were  at  once  boarded  and 
captured.  In  ten  minutes  Elliott  had  his 
prisoners  secured  and  the  vessels  under  way. 
The  wind  was  light,  however,  rendering  it  use- 
less to  try  and  ascend  the  rapid  current  into 
the  lake.  So  they  had  to  run  down  the  river, 
passing  the  enemy's  forts,  and  anchoring  not 
far  from  some  of  their  batteries.  The  Caledonia 
was  moored  as  safely  as  possible  under  one 
of  the  American  batteries  at  Black  Rock,  and 
the  Detroit  engaged  the  enemy  as  long  as  the 
ammunition  held  out.  When  this  was  nearly 
gone,  Elliott  attempted  to  drift  down  the  river, 
out  of  range  of  the  batteries,  and  to  engage 
the  flying  artillery.    The   pilot   left  without 


I 


104        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


warning,  however,  and  the  Detroit  ran  ashore 
on  Squaw  Island.  Boarding  boats  were  gotten 
ready  and  the  prisoners  sent  ashore.  A  boat 
with  forty  men,  from  the  British  side,  swiftly 
arrived,  and  the  enemy  boarded  the  brig.  The 
Americans  fought  savagely  and  drove  the 
boarders  back  to  their  boat  with  a  considerable 
loss.  The  Americans  then  removed  most  of 
the  Detroit's  stores  and  guns.  Then,  to  pre- 
vent her  becoming  of  use  again  to  the  British, 
they  burned  her,  and  returned  to  Buffalo, 
with  something  of  a  restoration  of  American 
prestige  on  the  frontier  to  their  credit — such 
a  morsel  as  was  needed  at  that  particular 
time. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  FRONTIER  (CONTINUED) 


IN  pursuit  of  the  national  determination 
to  insure  American  supremacy  on  Lake 
Ontario,  work  upon  additions  to  the  fleet 
was  vigorously  prosecuted  at  Sackets  Harbor 
during  the  winter  of  1812-13.  That  post, 
being  the  principal  depot  for  naval  and  mili- 
tary stores,  much  alarm  was  occasioned 
there  by  the  capture  of  Ogdensburg  ( which  was 
slimly  defended),  by  the  British  on  February 
22.  An  attack  upon  the  Harbor  was  feared, 
but  the  enemy  did  not  attempt  it,  and  soon 
evacuated  Ogdensburg,  returning  to  the  Cana- 
dian side.  General  Dearborn,  who  was  still  in 
command  of  the  Northern  army,  prepared  ac- 
tively in  the  spring  for  another  invasion  of 
Canada.  His  troops  were  embarked  at  Sackets 
Harbor,  on  Chauncey's  fleet,  April  23,  to  the 
number  of  1,700.  After  a  short  delay  because 
of  unfavorable  weather,  the  fleet  sailed  for  Little 
York,  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada,  reaching 


106        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


there  the  27th.  The  troops  debarked  in  the 
face  of  a  hot  fire  from  the  woods,  where  a  force 
of  British  regulars  was  stationed,  besides  some 
Canadian  miUtia  and  Indians,  about  eight 
hundred  in  all.  Major  Forsyth's  riflemen  led  the 
way,  and  the  gallant  General  Pike,  impatient  to 
engage  with  the  foe,  personally  headed  several 
hundred  of  the  infantry  to  the  shore.  The  enemy 
retreated  toward  the  town,  the  Americans  follow- 
ing, while  a  brisk  bombardment  was  maintained 
from  Chauncey's  ships.  Some  British  batteries 
were  taken,  the  gunners  fleeing  as  they  delivered 
their  final  fire.  The  American  militia  behaved 
with  great  bravery  throughout  this  engagement. 
When  the  final  battery  had  been  taken  and  the 
way  lay  clear  to  the  town,  a  tremendous  ex- 
plosion occurred.  A  British  powder  magazine 
had  been  blown  up,  presumably  by  some  of 
their  forces.  A  large  number  of  Americans, 
and  some  of  their  opponents,  were  killed  and 
many  more  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was 
General  Pike,  whose  hurts  proved  speedily  fatal. 
He  was  conveyed  to  one  of  the  ships,  where  he 
died  in  a  few  hours,  happy  in  the  thought  of 
victory.  He  had  a  gallant  military  record,  and 
was  also  eminent  as  an  explorer  of  the  then 


THE  FRONTIER  107 


little  known  wilds  of  his  country.  It  was  he 
who  discovered  the  majestic  western  mountain 
peak  which  bears  his  name. 

At  two  that  afternoon  the  American  flag 
was  waving  in  Little  York.  The  enemy  had 
fired  their  naval  stores  and  a  partially  finished 
ship  upon  the  stocks.  The  militia  were  surren- 
dered with  the  town,  but  General  Sheaffe  got 
away  with  his  regulars.  It  being  determined 
to  evacuate  the  town,  the  prisoners  were  pa- 
roled and  the  American  troops  re-embarked; 
the  fleet  sailing  for  Fort  Niagara  early  in  May. 
In  anticipation,  however,  that  an  attempt 
might  be  made  from  Kingston  upon  Sackets 
Harbor  in  retaliation  for  the  successful  sortie 
upon  Little  York,  General  Dearborn  sent  some 
of  the  small  schooners  to  the  Harbor  with  a 
few  regulars  and  some  picked  companies  of 
militia  to  assist  in  defending  the  port,  which 
had  been  left  slimly  equipped.  This  proved  a 
fortunate  move,  as  the  enemy's  fleet  appeared 
off  Sackets  Harbor,  May  28.  A  little  Amer- 
ican schooner  gave  the  alarm  and  expresses 
summoned  the  militia.  General  Jacob  Brown, 
whose  militia  commission  had  expired  shortly 
before,  was  summoned  from  his  home  in  Brown- 


108        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


ville  and  ably  directed  the  preparations  for 
defense.  The  next  day  the  enemy,  composed 
of  regulars  to  the  number  of  about  twelve 
hundred  landed  on  Horse  Island  in  boats, 
and  marched  across  a  sand  bar  to  the 
mainland.  A  calm  had  fallen  and  prevented 
the  fleet  from  actively  participating.  A  large 
portion  of  the  American  militia  posted  on 
the  mainland  near  the  end  of  the  bar  to 
repel  the  enemy,  being  raw  and  untrained, 
could  not  withstand  the  galling  fire  of  the 
British  and  were  routed,  running  frantically  for 
safety.  Others  remained.  These,  with  Captain 
McNitt's  company  and  Colonel  Backus's  regu- 
lars, together  with  some  militiamen,  rallied 
personally  by  General  Brown,  turned  the  tide. 
The  British  had  advanced  nearly  to  the  town, 
the  regulars  retiring  slowly  before  them  and 
maintaining  a  steady  fire.  The  officers  com- 
manding the  British  column  were  soon  all  killed 
or  wounded,  when  the  enemy  ran  in  their  turn, 
and  reaching  Horse  Island  in  disorder,  entered 
their  boats  and  returned  to  the  fleet.  The  chief 
injury  their  visit  did  was  to  cause  the  destruc- 
tion of  large  quantities  of  valuable  stores  re- 
ceived shortly  before  in  transports  from  Little 


THE  FRONTIER  109 


York.  Some  of  the  panic-stricken  militiamen 
had  informed  Lieutenant  Chauncey,  who  was 
in  charge,  that  the  day  was  lost,  and  he  burned 
the  stores  to  prevent  their  falling  into  British 
hands.  A  formal  demand  in  the  King's  name 
from  Sir  George  Prevost  and  Sir  James  Lucas 
Yeo,  both  of  whom  accompanied  this  expedi- 
tion in  person,  that  Sackets  be  surrendered, 
was  refused,  and  the  fleet  soon  sailed  away. 

Historical  accounts  of  this  engagement  have 
not  been  lacking,  which  are  rather  inclined 
to  hide  the  sprinting  abilities  of  our  own  men 
under  a  bushel,  and  to  bestow  the  laurel  for 
exhibited  speed  entirely  upon  British  heads — or 
heels.  This  is  scarcely  fair,  however,  and, 
though  the  entire  truth  may  be  somewhat  un- 
palatable, Americans  may  find  comfort  in  the 
thought  that  if  our  own  green,  inexperienced 
warriors  dashed  away  from  hostile  bullets  on 
this  occasion,  British  regulars  scampered  quite 
as  fervently  a  little  later.  In  this  connection 
a  letter  from  General  Brown  to  Governor  Tomp- 
kins, of  New  York,  written  the  second  day  after 
the  battle,  may  prove  interesting. 

When  the  British  made  their  attack  he  was 
with  the  militia,  and  he  says,  "as  I  was  atten- 


110        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 

tively  watching  their  movements  &  the  happy 
effects  of  our  fire,  to  my  utter  astonishment 
my  men  rose  from  their  cover,  broke,  &  be- 
fore I  could  reahze  the  disgraceful!  scene,  there 
was  scarcely  a  man  within  several  Rods  of 
where  I  stood."  He  exonerates  Lieutenant 
Chauncey  from  all  blame  for  burning  the  store- 
houses on  the  supposition  that  the  day  was  lost, 
dryly  remarking  that  "he  was  deceived  by  the 
materials  on  whom  he  relied  &  nothing  short 
of  Divinity  can  guard  against  such  occurrences." 
The  General  assures  the  Governor  that  he  does 
not  "bear  hard  upon  the  militia.  I  do  them 
justice  Sir  ....  The  noble  men  both  officers 
and  Soldiers  of  the  Regular  Army  &  some 
few,  precious  few  Citizen  Soldiers,  who  nobly 
resisted  the  shock  of  the  Foemen,  the  Foe  of 
Basswood  Cantonment,  are  the  men  who  merrit 
the  honor  of  this  Victory,  and  Sir,  they  must 
have  it!" 

Commodore  Chauncey  had  come  to  Sackets 
Harbor  for  more  troops  early  in  May,  immedi- 
ately returning  to  the  head  of  the  lake.  General 
Dearborn  held  a  council  of  officers  to  arrange 
for  crossing  to  the  British  side  to  attack  Fort 
George.    The  troops  were  landed  early  in  the 


THE  FRONTIER 


111 


morning  of  the  27th,  under  the  protection  of 
the  fire  from  Chauncey's  ships.  The  enemy 
gallantly  disputed  the  landing,  but  the  Ameri- 
can troops  were  not  to  be  denied  and  forced 
the  British  back.  They  deserted  the  fort,  which 
the  Americans  occupied  by  noon.  The  batteries 
at  Fort  Erie  kept  up  a  fire  during  the  succeed- 
ing night.  That  morning  all  the  magazines 
from  Chippewa  to  Point  Albino  were  blown  up, 
the  enemy  retreated,  and  Fort  Erie  was  entered 
in  the  afternoon  by  the  American  troops. 

In  March  of  this  year  a  most  important 
step,  as  it  proved,  had  been  taken.  Captain 
Perry  had  then  been  appointed  Master  Com- 
mandant, and,  at  about  this  time,  he  was 
designated  to  exercise  the  superintendency  of 
the  construction  and  outfitting  of  a  fleet  for 
use  upon  Lake  Erie,  and  to  have  the  command 
of  the  naval  force  upon  that  lake,  under  the 
general  direction  of  Commodore  Chauncey. 
He  arrived  at  Erie  from  Sackets  Harbor  near 
the  close  of  March.  Receiving  word  that  an 
attack  was  scheduled  to  occur  on  Fort  George, 
he  set  out  from  Erie  a  few  days  before  the 
attack  took  place.  He  volunteered  his  services 
and  accompanied  the  fleet  when  the  attack 


112        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


was  made.  He  rendered  most  valuable  assist- 
ance in  the  debarkation  of  the  troops,  and  was 
active  throughout  the  engagement,  being  ex- 
posed to  imminent  personal  danger  during  its 
entire  duration.  According  to  Commodore 
Chauncey's  report  he  was  "present  at  every 
point  where  he  could  be  useful,  under  showers 
of  musketry,  but  fortunately  escaped  unhurt." 

On  the  day  following  the  capture  of  Fort 
George,  Perry,  with  fifty-five  seamen,  was  dis- 
patched to  Black  Rock  by  Commodore  Chaun- 
cey  to  take  charge  of  five  vessels  there,  and 
to  take  them  to  the  port  of  Erie.  He  was 
directed  to  prepare  them  for  service  on  Lake 
Erie  as  speedily  as  possible.  The  genius  of  ener- 
getic action  possessed  by  Henry  Eckford  had 
been  signally  shown  in  the  preparation  of  this 
quintet  of  ships,  he  having  gotten  them  ready 
after  the  attack  on  Little  York.  General  Dear- 
born offered  200  soldiers  to  be  put  aboard  of 
these  ships  at  Black  Rock,  to  assist  in  their 
protection  during  their  passage  to  Erie.  So 
the  young  commander  proceeded  with  the  ves- 
sels early  in  June  to  Erie,  arriving  there  safely. 
The  British  had  commissioned  the  Queen  Char- 
lotte and  Lady  Prevost  to  intercept  the  Ameri- 


THE  FRONTIER  113 


can  ships,  and  they  were  cruising  off  Long 
Point  for  that  purpose.  But  Perry  was  wary 
and  contrived  to  have  his  ships  pass  them  un- 
perceived  in  the  night.  The  Niagara  and  the 
Lawrence,  which  had  been  built  at  Erie  under 
Perry's  supervision,  were  launched  in  May. 
The  Queen  Charlotte  and  three  others  of  the 
enemy's  fleet  descended  the  lake  May  26,  menac- 
ing the  Americans,  but  after  the  affair  at  Fort 
George  they  withdrew,  sailing  up  the  lake.  July 
22,  Commodore  Chauncey's  squadron  arrived 
at  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario,  bringing  170  men 
for  Perry's  fleet.  The  decisive  moment  was 
arriving  fast,  and  it  was  felt  that  the  question 
whether  British  control  should  continue  on 
Lake  Erie  would  be  decided  that  summer. 

The  disastrous  results  of  Hull's  capitulation 
had  included  complete  British  dominion  upon 
Lake  Erie  and  the  exposure  of  the  Northwestern 
frontier  to  the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare.  This 
roused  the  feeling  of  the  nation,  particularly 
in  the  West.  Early  in  August,  1812,  a  body 
of  troops,  destined  for  the  relief  of  Hull,  had 
gathered  at  Louisville  and  at  points  along  the 
Ohio  River.    When  Hull's  capitulation  became 

known,  volunteers  fairly  poured  from  all  parts 
8 


114        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


of  Kentucky  and  Ohio  to  swell  the  ranks. 
Subsequent  movements  by  Harrison,  who  had 
been  placed  in  command  of  these  troops,  cul- 
minated in  his  approach  toward  Fort  Wayne, 
which  had  been  invested  by  Indian  allies  of 
the  British.  Fearing  the  Tippecanoe  hero, 
they  fled  September  12,  before  he  arrived. 
Harrison  sent  successful  expeditions  against  the 
Indians,  destroying  a  number  of  villages. 
Shortly  afterward  General  Winchester  arrived 
at  Fort  Wayne  to  reinforce  Harrison,  who  was 
at  once  commissioned  by  the  President  as 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Northwestern  Army, 
with  Winchester  second  in  command.  September 
22,  Winchester  marched  with  2,000  men  for 
Fort  Defiance,  Harrison  being  at  Fort  Wayne. 
He  soon  followed,  however,  with  an  escort 
accompanying  a  detachment  of  pack  horses 
with  provisions,  and  personally  took  charge 
of  the  expedition.  The  British  and  Indians, 
who  occupied  Fort  Reliance,  retreated,  the 
Americans  taking  possession.  Harrison  de- 
parted October  4,  leaving  troops  there  to 
form  the  left  wing  of  his  army,  under  Win- 
chester, while  he  returned  to  Ohio  to  organ- 
ize and  bring  on  the   rest    of  his  forces  to 


THE  FRONTIER  115 


constitute  the  center  and  right  wing.  Some 
minor  movements,  which  included  a  victory 
for  General  Tupper  against  a  force  of  British 
and  allies,  were  followed  early  in  January  by 
the  departure  of  Winchester  with  his  force 
from  Fort  Defiance  down  the  Miami  River  to 
the  Rapids.  Frenchtown,  on  the  River  Raisin, 
defenseless  and  exposed  since  Hull's  surrender, 
was  desirous  of  protection,  for  which  the  in- 
habitants now  appealed  to  Winchester.  A  re- 
lief detachment  was  sent  under  Colonel  Lewis. 
Three  miles  from  Frenchtown  a  force  of  Indians 
was  encountered  which  was  repulsed  after  a 
brisk  fight.  The  detachment  was  reinforced 
by  men  under  the  command  of  Winchester 
himself.  Word  of  these  events  having  reached 
General  Proctor  he  at  once  advanced  from  De- 
troit with  1,500  British  and  Indians.  The  out- 
nimibered  Americans  made  a  dogged  fight; 
but  Winchester  was  captured,  and,  to  save  his 
troops  from  the  butcheries  feared  at  the  hands 
of  the  savages,  capitulated  January  22.  The 
British  carried  the  prisoners  to  Maiden,  except- 
ing about  fifty  wounded  men,  who  were  left  at 
Frenchtown.  These  were  cruelly  massacred  by 
Indians.    This  shocking  event  was  followed  by 


116        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  killing  of  additional  prisoners,  and  thie  mur- 
der of  one  of  several  surgeons  and  assistants 
sent  by  Harrison  to  Frenchtown  under  a  flag 
of  truce  to  attend  the  wounded.  Harrison  had 
been  at  Lower  Sandusky.  He  started,  with  the 
small  force  under  his  command,  to  march  to 
Winchester's  relief,  but  learning  that  the  latter' s 
defeat  was  irretrievable,  he  reluctantly  re- 
turned. Harrison's  plan  of  campaign  was  now 
rendered  abortive;  but  he  set  to  work  to  build 
up  his  depleted  army  anew,  in  which  he  was 
assisted  by  Governor  Shelby,  of  Kentucky^ 
who  ordered  1,200  of  his  militia  to  his  relief. 
In  February  Harrison  erected  Fort  Meigs, 
christened  in  honor  of  Ohio's  Governor,  at  the 
Miami  Rapids.  The  relieving  Kentuckians 
arrived  near  this  fort  May  4,  ascertaining  that 
it  was  besieged  by  a  large  force  of  British  and 
Indians  under  Proctor.  The  beleagured  Harri- 
son sent  orders  to  General  Green  Clay,  in  com- 
mand of  the  relief  force,  to  follow  plans  that 
should  disperse  the  enemy.  The  instructions 
were  followed  with  a  success  that  resulted  in  the 
taking  of  the  enemy's  batteries  and  the  latter 
dispersing  to  the  woods.  The  elated  Ameri- 
cans followed  them,  instead  of  crossing  the  river 


THE  FRONTIEE  117 


and  returning  to  the  fort,  as  they  had  been  in- 
structed. Proctor  now  judged  it  time  to  with- 
draw, and  did  so  on  May  9.  He  threatened 
a  number  of  movements  upon  the  forts  of  Lowe, 
Sandusky,  Cleveland  and  Erie  during  the  spring 
and  summer,  in  which  he  was  facilitated  by 
British  dominion  over  the  lake,  but  actually 
attacked  only  that  at  Lower  Sandusky,  defended 
by  Major  Croghan  and  160  men,  the  com- 
mander a  youth  of  21  years.  Proctor  had  500 
regulars  and  about  800  Lidians.  The  attack 
occurred  early  in  August.  He  sent  officers  with 
a  flag  of  truce  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the 
fort,  but  Croghan  refused.  A  spirited  engage- 
ment followed,  in  which  the  enemy  were  finally 
repulsed.  An  incident  illustrative  of  man's 
humanity  to  man  occurred  during  this  attack. 
While  the  assault  was  in  progress,  the  Ameri- 
cans threw  full  canteens  of  water  down  to 
wounded  redcoats,  who  lay,  writhing  in  agony 
and  parched  with  thirst,  in  the  ditch  outside 
the  works.  The  wounded,  among  the  prisoners 
captured,  were,  by  Harrison's  direction,  given 
the  best  of  attention. 

Matters  now  did  not  look  so  hopeless  for  the 
Americans.    Could  the  lake  be  swept  clear  of 


118        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


British  supremacy,  that  feat  would  involve 
the  redemption  of  the  Northwest.  For  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  all-important  step,  two 
capable  men,  the  intrepid  Harrison  and  Perry, 
Chauncey's  gallant  young  subaltern,  were  now 
working. 

From  the  date  of  the  receipt  of  his  orders 
from  Washington  to  join  Chauncey  at  Sackets 
Harbor  which  instructions  he  received  at  New- 
port February  17  of  that  year,  Perry's  remark- 
able fund  of  energy  had  been  ungrudgingly  ex- 
pended toward  all  the  objects  that  fell  to  his 
hands.  He  had  the  unhesitating  swiftness  of 
action  which  is  allied  to  the  highest  of  execu- 
tive ability.  His  order  directed  him  to  bring 
all  of  the  best  men  in  his  Newport  flotilla,  and 
on  the  very  day  of  its  receipt  he  sent  fifty  of 
them  away  in  sleds  to  the  West.  He  sent  other 
parties  in  quick  succession,  and  finally,  with  a 
thirteen-year-old  brother  who  was  zealous  for 
adventure,  started  himself  upon  the  long  drive 
to  the  distant  Harbor,  which  he  reached  March 
3.  For  a  fortnight  he  had  remained  there  chaf- 
ing, awaiting  an  expected  British  attack  that 
did  not  materialize,  and  then  started  for  Erie, 
at  that  time  known  as  Presque  Isle.    Erie  had 


THE  FRONTIER  119 


been  chosen  by  the  Government  as  the  base  of 
operations  on  the  lake  because  of  its  conveni- 
ent location  to  other  points,  its  comparative 
immunity  from  the  possibility  of  successful 
attack  by  the  enemy,  and  because  supplies  could 
be  sent  from  Pittsburg  via  the  Alleghany  River 
and  Lake  Chautauqua.  He  found  several  ves- 
sels of  war,  partially  finished,  with  defending 
detachments  of  a  few  raw  volunteers  and  drilled 
shipyard  hands;  the  force  being  without  arms 
or  ammunition.  Perry  sent  men  to  Buffalo 
after  them,  while  he  personally  hurried  to  Pitts- 
burg to  secure  carpenters,  forward  stores  and 
munitions,  and  to  attend  to  the  thousand- 
and-one  details  that  confronted  him.  The  for- 
est stood  near  at  hand.  Perry  infused  everyone 
with  his  own  dynamic  vigor,  and  the  result 
was  that  the  gunboats  were  floated  early  in 
May  and  the  brigs  launched  toward  the  close 
of  the  month.  As  it  happened,  however,  Perry 
did  not  witness  the  launching  of  the  brigs. 
Having  learned  of  the  projected  attack  on  Fort 
George,  he  was  rowed  in  a  small  boat  to  Buf- 
falo, descending  the  river  within  musket  shot 
of  the  enemy,  and  reached  a  village  near  Grand 
Island.    Here  his  sailors  captured  an  old  pacing 


120        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


horse  grazing  on  the  public  common.  They 
fashioned  a  bridle  of  rope  and  found  a  dilapi- 
dated saddle  without  stirrups.  Given  the  sorry 
means  to  an  honorable  end,  Perry  complacently 
swung  aboard,  and  clutching  his  charger's  mane 
was  ultimately  racked  into  camp,  where  he  per- 
formed the  brilliant  service  previously  recorded 
in  the  attack  on  Fort  George.  His  successful 
bringing  of  the  five  vessels  at  Black  Rock  to 
Erie,  which  has  been  referred  to,  was  followed 
by  his  effort,  despite  the  discouragement  of 
physical  ailments  and  the  difficulty  of  securing 
anything  like  proper  equipment,  to  get  his 
squadron  in  shape  to  effectually  dispute  with 
the  British  the  supremacy  of  the  lake. 

The  American  squadron  was  completed  July 
10,  but  as  yet  it  could  be  used  for  purposes 
of  exhibition  only.  All  told.  Perry  had  but 
officers  and  men  enough  to  man  one  brig.  The 
squadron  lay  helpless  enough  in  the  harbor, 
while  the  ships  of  the  enemy  swaggered  inso- 
lently outside.  It  was  gall  and  wormwood  to 
Perry,  who  dispatched  vehement  requests  '  for 
assistance  that  it  seemed  would  never  be  for- 
warded. To  add  to  his  troubles,  he  fell  ill  of 
bilious  remittent  fever,  but  while  he  suffered  in 


THE  FRONTIER  121 


body  his  indomitable  spirit  still  asserted  itself, 
and  he  retained  his  strong  grasp  of  affairs 
and  continued  his  efforts  to  obtain  equipment. 
In  these  desperate  straits,  without  men  to  man 
his  ships,  sans  everything  required  for  effective 
service,  the  young  commander  received  a  con- 
tinual pounding  from  the  Government,  calling 
upon  him  to  co-operate  with  Harrison.  Under 
the  circumstances  the  orders  spelled  irony. 
The  Government  asked  that  Perry  play  Aladdin 
and  furnish  his  own  lamp.  Washington  was 
fully  aware  of  the  sore  straits  he  was  in,  for  he 
had  besieged  the  powers  for  relief,  and  besieged 
in  vain.  As  added  climaxes,  came  messages 
from  Harrison,  justly  fearful  for  the  menacing 
fate  of  the  little  arniy,  also  the  receipt  of  intel- 
ligence that  the  enemy's  new  powerful  De- 
troit was  nearly  ready  for  service  at  Maiden, 
and  that  Captain  Robert  H.  Barclay,  with  vete- 
ran officers  and  men,  had  arrived  to  take  charge 
of  the  naval  forces  of  the  British.  The  final 
item  was  most  sinister,  for  Barclay,  who  had 
lost  an  arm  in  the  service  of  his  King,  bore  a 
justly  high  reputation,  and  had  been  at  Tra- 
falgar with  the  great  Nelson.  The  impatience 
of  Perry  now  found  vent  in  urgent  letters  to 


122        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Chauncey."^  On  July  19  he  wrote:  '*The 
enemy's  fleet  of  six  sail  are  now  at  the  bar  of 
this  harbor.  What  a  golden  opportunity  if 
we  had  men !  .  .  .  Should  their  object  be  to 
attack  us,  we  are  ready  to  meet  them.  I  am 
constantly  looking  to  the  eastward;  every 
mail  and  every  traveler  from  that  quarter  is 
looked  upon  as  the  harbinger  of  the  glad  tid- 
ings of  our  men  being  on  the  way  .  .  .  Give 
me  men,  sir,  and  I  will  acquire  ])oth  for  you 
and  myself  honor  and  glory  on  this  lake  or 
perish  in  the  attempt.  Conceive  my  feelings; 
an  enemy  within  striking  distance,  my  vessels 
ready  and  not  men  enough  to  man  them.  Go- 
ing out  with  those  I  now  have  is  out  of  the 
question.  You  would  not  suffer  it  if  you  were 
here.  Think  of  my  situation :  the  enemy  in 
sight  .  .  .  and  yet  obliged  to  bite  my  fingers 
with  vexation  for  want  of  men."  Sailing-Master 
Champlin  soon  arrived  with  only  seventy  men, 
which  caused  Perry  to  write  Chauncey  :  "  For 
God's  sake  and  yours  and  mine,  send  me  men  and 
officers,  and  I  will  have  them  all  (the  British 
squadron)  in  a  day  or  two.  Commodore  Bar- 
clay keeps  just  out  of  reach  of  our  gunboats. 
*Lossing,  p.  513. 


THE  FRONTIER  123 


The  vessels  are  all  ready  to  meet  the  enemy 
the  moment  they  are  officered  and  manned. 
Our  sails  are  bent,  provisions  on  board,  and  in 
fact  everything  is  ready.  Barclay  has  been 
bearding  me  for  several  days;  I  long  to  be  at 
him."  And  then,  with  characteristic  generosity  : 
"However  anxious  I  am  to  reap  the  reward 
of  the  labor  and  anxiety  I  have  had  on  this 
station,  I  shall  rejoice,  whoever  commands, 
to  see  this  force  on  the  lake,  and  surely  I  had 
rather  be  commanded  by  my  friend  than  by 
any  other.  Come  then,  and  the  business  is 
decided  in  a  few  hours." 

But  it  took  longer.  The  inertia  lingered. 
The  Government  was  deaf  to  all  pleadings ;  the 
recruits  from  Ontario  were  few  and  inferior  for 
the  most  part,  Chauncey  retaining  the  picked 
men  for  his  game  of  I-spy  with  Yeo  upon  On- 
tario. The  despairing  Perry  gave  his  true  rea- 
son to  Harrison  for  the  inability  to  co-operate 
with  him,  and  was  gravely  rebuked  by  the 
Naval  Secretary  for  "exposing  his  weakness," 
which,  by  the  way,  the  Secretary  did  not  inti- 
mate would  be  strengthened. 

Such  help  as  he  received  from  Ontario,  drew 
from  him  the  complaint  to  Chauncey  that  he 


124        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


had  been  sent  "a  motley  set,  blacks,  soldiers 
and  boys.''  The  Commodore,  through  continual 
practice  in  the  framing  of  lengthy  reports  of 
things  left  undone  on  Ontario,  was  becoming 
an  adept  in  letter  writing,  and  the  reply  he 
dispatched  was  sufficiently  sarcastic  to  draw 
from  the  indignant  Perry  a  request  for  a  re- 
moval from  the  station  because  '*he  could  not 
serve  longer  under  an  officer  who  had  been  so 
totally  regardless  of  his  feelings."  Then  fol- 
lowed, however,  "a  manly,  generous  letter 
from  Chauncey  which  later  restored  the  kindli- 
ness of  feeling  between  them." 

The  enemy  engaged  in  movements  during  July 
that  seriously  alarmed  Erie.  Word  was  received 
from  General  Porter,  at  Black  Rock,  that  a  Brit- 
ish Military  force  was  collecting  at  Long  Point, 
opposite  Erie.  A  British  diversion  occurred  to- 
ward Fort  Meigs,  and  Barclay's  ships  suddenly 
disappeared.  A  combined  military  and  naval 
attack  on  Erie  was  anticipated  and  a  panic 
resulted.  Many  citizens  fled  from  the  town. 
Under  the  directions  of  Perry  a  considerable 
defending  military  force  was  collected,  but  the 
enemy,  which  had  found  it  difficult  to  mass  as 
large  a  force  as  they  desired,  did  not  attack. 


THE  FRONTIER  125 


By  the  end  of  July  Perry  had  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  300  fit  officers  and  men.  He  had  to 
man  two  brigs  of  20  guns  each,  and  eight 
smaller  craft.  Mild  weather  prevailed  and  the 
ships  of  the  enemy  ceased  temporarily  to  men- 
ace Erie.  Perry,  despairing  of  getting  what  he 
required,  showed  his  heroic  mettle  by  resolving 
to  go  out  upon  the  lake  with  what  he  had. 
August  1,  which  fell  on  a  Sunday,  he  moved  his 
flotilla  down  to  the  entrance  of  the  harbor, 
intending  to  cross  early  the  next  morning. 
But  an  unexpected  difficulty  had  now  to  be 
met. 

A  sand  bar  lay  across  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor.  There  had  been  a  depth  of  six  feet 
of  water  over  it,  but  the  wind  had  been  at 
work  and  reduced  it  to  four,  such  variations 
being  common  in  this  lake  as  well  as  in  some 
parts  of  Ontario.  The  smaller  vessels  were 
lightened  and  managed  to  squeeze  over  the 
bar.  They  were  then  judiciously  placed,  with 
broadsides  toward  the  open  lake,  to  afford  pro- 
tection against  a  possible  British  attack,  while 
the  problem  of  getting  the  larger  ships  over 
the  bar  was  wrestled  with.  The  brigs  Law- 
rence and  Niagara  drew  nine  feet  of  water; 


126        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  greatest  depth  over  the  bar  was  six  feet. 
To  obviate  the  difficulty,  the  assistance  of 
camels"  was  invoked.  Two  scows  50  feet  long, 
10  feet  wide,  and  8  feet  deep,  especially  pre- 
pared for  the  purpose,  were  filled  with  water 
and  floated,  parallel  on  either  side  with  the 
vessel  to  be  helped.  They  were  secured  by 
large  timbers  extending  from  the  port  holes 
of  the  brig  across  the  scows.  The  space  between 
the  timbers  and  boats  was  made  secure  with 
additional  timbers,  and  the  scows  were  then 
laboriously  pumped  out.  Buoyancy  and  the 
lifting  power  developed  succeeded  in  landing 
the  brigs  safely  over  the  bar.  While  it  takes 
but  a  moment  to  relate  this  exploit,  it  occu- 
pied four  days  of  the  most  arduous  work, 
days  filled  with  exhausting  labor  and  keen 
anxiety  lest  the  British  squadron  appear  while 
the  brigs  were  on  the  bar.  That  they  did  not 
so  appear  was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  citizens  of  Port  Dover,  a  small  village  on 
Ryason's  Creek,  a  little  below  Long  Point,  in 
Canada,  had  offered  Commodore  Barclay  and 
his  officers  a  public  dinner,  which  invitation 
had  been  accepted.  The  dinner  occurred  while 
Perry  was  successfully  getting  his  brigs  over 


THE  FRONTIER  127 


the  bar.  It  is  related  that  Captain  Barclay, 
in  response  to  a  toast,  said  on  this  occasion  : 
"I  expect  to  find  the  Yankee  brigs  hard  and 
fast  on  the  bar  at  Erie  when  I  return,  in  which 
predicament  it  will  be  but  a  small  job  to  de- 
stroy them."  As  it  was,  the  absence  of  the 
British  squadron  at  that  time  seemed  provi- 
dential for  the  national  cause.  Barclay's  vessels, 
hastening  to  destroy  the  ships  they  supposed 
were  grounded,  came  in  sight  the  5th,  just  in 
time  to  see  the  last  American  ship,  the  Niagara, 
sliding  off  the  bar  into  deep  water.  The  enemy 
abruptly  bore  away  toward  Long  Point.  Perry 
had  put  his  flotilla  in  perfect  order  by  night, 
when  it  weighed  anchor  and  stood  away  to- 
ward Long  Point  on  its  first  cruise.  Perry 
searched  for  the  opposing  fleet  for  three  days, 
but  it  had  sailed  for  Maiden  to  await  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Detroit.  The  Americans  also  re- 
ceived some  belated  accessions.  Captain  Jesse 
D.  Elliott  arrived  at  Erie  with  100  officers  and 
desirable  men,  manning  the  Niagara,  of  which 
Elliott  assumed  command.  Perry  now  resolved 
to  sail  up  the  lake  and  report  himself  in  readi- 
ness to  co-operate  with  Harrison.  His  confi- 
dence was  increased  by  the  fact  that  some  of 


128        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


4^  the  men  Elliott  brought  were  veterans  of  the 

Constitution. 

Perry  sailed  from  Erie  August  12,  fully  pre- 
pared for  mischief  if  any  arose,  and  rendez- 
voused at  Put-in  Bay  three  days  later.  This 
^  is  a  picturesque  stretch  of  water,  affording 
safe  anchorage  for  vessels  from  gales,  the  har- 
bor hedged  from  the  sweep  of  the  open  lake 
by  a  number  of  islands,  large  and  small.  The 
islands  lie  off  Port  Clinton,  the  capital  of  Ot- 
tawa County,  Ohio.  The  bay  is  34  miles  from 
Maiden.  The  enemy  had  not  been  seen,  but  in 
the  evening  of  the  following  day  a  British 
schooner,  scouting  in  the  neighborhood,  was 
chased  by  Sailing-Master  Champlin,  of  the 
Scorpion.  A  thunderstorm  came  up  and  the 
scout  escaped  among  the  islands. 

The  next  day  the  squadron  sailed  to  the  point 
of  the  peninsula  off  Sandusky  Bay,  and  Perry 
had  signal  gims  fired,  per  arrangement,  to  let 
Harrison,  who  was  at  Camp  Seneca,  know  he 
was  there.  Perry,  being  informed  that  Harri- 
son, with  8,000  regulars,  militia  and  Indians 
was  twenty-seven  miles  away,  dispatched  boats 
for  the  General  and  his  staff.  They  arrived  the 
night  of  the  19th,  the  company  including  chiefs 


THE  FRONTIER  129 


of  adjacent  tribes  of  Indians  whose  friendship 
Harrison  had  secured.  Perry  and  Harrison 
talked  over  their  campaign  and  inspected  the 
bay  the  next  day  with  a  view  toward  concen- 
trating the  miUtary  force  there  for  transporta- 
tion to  Maiden.  On  the  21st  Harrison  returned 
to  his  camp  to  begin  preparations  for  moving. 
Perry  sent  a  small  vessel  to  Erie  for  stores 
and  sailed  with  the  squadron  toward  Maiden. 
He  discovered  the  rival  fleet  to  be  inside  the 
mouth  of  the  Detroit  River.  As  the  new  De- 
troit had  not  yet  joined  the  enemy's  squadron, 
Perry  projected  attacking  Barclay  there.  Un- 
favoring  winds  arose,  however,  and  Perry's 
malady  returned  with  such  force  as  to  confine 
him  to  his  bunk,  while  others  of  his  men  also 
fell  ill.  An  attack  was  reluctantly  deferred  and 
the  squadron  returned  to  Put-in  Bay,  arriv- 
ing there  August  27.  Here  a  reinforcement  of 
thirty-six  soldiers  came  from  Harrison,  to  act 
as  marines  and  supply  vacancies  caused  by  sick- 
ness. Perry  was  ill  a  full  week,  but  recovered 
so  that  the  squadron  sailed  September  1  for 
Maiden.  Barclay's  fleet  was  there  and  Perry 
hoped  for  an  engagement,  but  Barclay  was 
sensibly  awaiting  the  completion  of  the  Detroit 
9 


130        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


and  was  not  to  be  cajoled.  As  the  British 
ships  lay  under  the  protection  of  the  shore 
batteries,  and  manifested  no  disposition  to  move 
out  into  the  open,  Perry's  squadron  drew  off 
and  sailed  for  Sandusky  Bay,  for  communica- 
tion with  Harrison.  Then  the  fleet  returned  to 
Put-in  Bay,  where  it  anchored,  to  remain  inac- 
tive until  the  great  event  of  a  few  days  later. 


CHAPTER  VI 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE 

GIBRALTAR  ISLAND,  aptly  named,  rug- 
ged and  picturesque,  buttressed  with 
rock  masses  and  sentineled  by  out- 
posts of  guarding  trees,  afforded  an  eminence 
that  has  become  historic.  A  limestone  pile 
some  fifty  feet  in  height  faced  the  lake,  the 
waters  of  which  lapped  the  base  of  the  natural 
arch  that  formed  its  front.  As  "Perry's  Look- 
out" the  pile  is  known  to-day;  for  the  young 
commander,  awaiting  the  issue  which  was  to 
make  or  mar  his  fortune,  was  wont  to  spend 
long  hours  upon  its  summit,  glass  at  eye, 
anxiously  sweeping  the  wide  water  that  lay 
beyond  the  scattered  hemming  islands,  for  a 
glimpse  of  the  hostile  sails  whose  coming  would 
spell  action.  He  was  prepared  at  any  moment, 
for  he  had  received  word  that  Barclay,  because 
of  the  scarcity  of  provisions  for  Proctor's 
army  at  Maiden,  was  preparing  to  sail  out  and 


132        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


open  communication  with  Long  Point,  that  chief 
depot  of  British  supphes  on  the  Detroit  River. 

The  days  passed  without  result,  and  a  con- 
ference occurred  between  Perry  and  his  officers 
on  the  evening  preceding  the  battle,  the  com- 
mander having  determined  to  attack  Barclay 
at  his  anchorage  if  he  should  fail  to  sail  out. 
Written  instructions  were  given  each  officer  of 
which  vessel  of  the  enemy  to  engage,  and  the 
young  commander  accentuated  significantly 
the  school  in  which  he  sought  instruction  with 
the  remark :  "  Gentlemen,  remember  your  in- 
structions. Nelson  has  expressed  my  idea  in 
the  words,  *  If  you  lay  your  enemy  close  along- 
side, you  cannot  be  out  of  your  place.'  Good 
jiight."  Which  parting  words,  coupled  with 
the  fact  that  Barclay  was  made  of  the  same 
gallant  stuff  as  his  opponent,  indicate  clearly 
enough  the  reason  for  the  wide  divergence 
between  the  naval  records  of  Erie  and  Ontario 
during  that  war. 

It  was  during  this  conference,  too,  that  Perry 
exhibited  to  his  officers  that  battle-flag  whose 
fame  will  endure  with  time;  the  banner  which, 
at  the  Commodore's  request,  Samuel  Hamble- 
ton,  the  purser,  had  caused  to  be  privately 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  133 


prepared  at  Erie.  It  was  square  in  shape  and 
there  appeared  in  great  white  letters  upon  a 
field  of  blue  the  words  of  the  dying  Lawrence,  a 
thrilling  heritage,  ''Don't  Give  Up  the  Ship!" 
This  flag,  hoisted  to  the  main-royal  mast-head 
of  the  flagship  that  was  christened  for  the  hero, 
whose  stiffening  lips  had  framed  those  final, 
immortal  words,  was  to  serve  as  the  signal  for 
the  fleet  to  engage  the  enemy. 

And  though  the  brave  blue  banner  was  des- 
tined to  come  drooping  down  to  the  bloody 
deck  of  a  shivering  hulk,  that  staggered  help- 
less in  a  stifling  smother  of  murderous  broad- 
sides; broadsides  that  had  made  of  the  poor, 
doomed  bark  a  shambles,  a  weltering  hell  of 
blood  and  agony  and  death,  there  was  to  fol- 
low a  thing  that  must  ever  thrill  the  blood 
of  the  American.  The  desertion  of  the  derelict, 
the  dash  of  a  rowboat  across  a  shot-rent  sea 
(an  indomitable  figure  erect  in  the  stern,  the 
shoulders  draped  in  a  white-lettered  banner 
with  a  field  of  blue),  the  trampling  of  resolute 
feet  upon  a  sound,  as  yet  uncrimsoned  deck, 
the  white  letters  again  appealing  from  a  lofty 
mast-head,  the  magnificent  response  the  final 
terrific,  irresistible,  crunching  dash  that  wrenched 


134        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  most  signal  victory  fairly  out  of  the  gasp- 
ing jaws  of  bitterest  defeat.  Truly,  the  blue 
flag  made  history  ! 

During  the  anxious  days  that  preceded  the 
decisive  trial  of  the  issue,  the  young  American 
commander  kept  to  his  post  through  the  ex- 
ercise of  an  iron  will.  The  fever  had  not  re- 
laxed its  hold  upon  him,  and  it  was  by  sheer 
resolution  that  he  remained  at  his  arduous 
task.  Each  day  he  watched  with  keen  con- 
cern for  the  expected  appearance  of  Barclay. 
It  was  the  look-out  in  the  mast-head  of  the  Law- 
rence whose  "Sail  ho!"  electrified  Perry's  fleet 
on  the  pleasant  morning  of  Sept.  10,  1813,  a 
date  familiar  to  every  schoolboy  for  the  epi- 
tome of  effort  which  it  spells. 

Rapidly  the  ships  of  the  squadron  were  sig- 
naled "Enemy  in  sight,"  and  "Get  underway," 
while,  under  the  added  impetus  of  the  shouted 
orders  of  boatswains,  all  hands  scrambled  in 
preparation  to  leave  anchorage.  It  was  still 
very  early.  The  mists  yet  rose  over  the  waters 
while  the  air  was  tinged  with  the  first  faint 
autumnal  chill.  A  light  wind  blew  softly  from 
the  southwest,  and  a  few  dark,  ragged  clouds 
rolled  across  the  sky,  spitting  fine  showers  of 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  135 


rain;  but  presently  the  sun,  having  cleared 
the  eastern  horizon,  peered  through  the  murk, 
routing  the  shrouding  masses  and  the  mists, 
so  that  soon  the  British  sails  appeared,  small 
but  distinct,  far  to  the  northwest.  Toward 
them,  beating  up  against  a  light  wind,  enlist- 
ing the  aid  of  oars,  worked  Perry's  ships, 
threading  their  way  among  interminable  islands 
to  the  open  lake;  while  the  last  breath  of  the 
mists  vanished,  the  chill  crept  from  the  air 
before  the  steady  flare  of  the  rising  sun,  and  the 
rear-guard  of  the  fleeing  clouds  disappeared 
from  view  beyond  the  distant  line  of  merging 
sky  and  sea.  At  ten  o'clock,  when  the  squad- 
ron had  wholly  emerged  from  between  the  en- 
vironing islands  of  Put-in  Bay  into  the  open 
lake,  with  the  British  fleet  a  half-dozen  miles 
away,  the  day  was  redolent  of  rare  autumnal 
beauty :  a  grim  contrast  indeed  to  the  red, 
ensuing  scenes  that  were  to  be  inseparably 
associated  with  its  immortal  glory. 

To  Perry,  distressingly  ill  with  his  malady, 
the  cry  of  the  look-out  had  been  a  veritable 
elixir.  From  that  moment  he  forgot  his  ailing 
body;  his  unconquerable  spirit  dominated  it 
and  made  of  the  man  that  aggressive,  dynamic 


136        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


fighting  machine  which,  insensible  to  reverses, 
fought  on  and  on,  unwearied,  unrelaxing,  until 
what  for  most  would  have  been  the  end,  was 
to  him  only  the  beginning;  a  beginning  that 
could  have  no  other  end  than  that  of  ultimate 
victory.  For  it  was  the  almost  incredibly  com- 
pelling personality  of  this  man,  the  exertion 
of  an  influence  as  powerful  in  the  time  of  stress 
as  that  of  the  great  Englishman  whom  he  emu- 
lated, that  won  for  the  Americans,  against 
gallant  odds,  on  that  memorable  day  upon  the 
waters  of  Erie. 

The  variability  of  the  wind  made  it  a  diffi- 
cult matter  for  the  American  squadron  to  get 
within  favorable  striking  distance  of  Barclay's 
waiting  fleet.  An  attempt  to  gain  the  weather- 
gage  by  beating  to  windward,  because  of  the 
light  airs,  proved  abortive.  Perry  ordered  his 
sailing-master,  William  Vigeron  Taylor,  to  run 
to  the  leeward  of  the  islands.  '*You  will,  in 
that  case,  have  to  engage  the  enemy  to  lee- 
ward," remonstrated  the  sailing-master.  "To 
windward  or  to  leeward,  they  shall  fight  to- 
day," replied  the  Commodore  grimly. 

And  they  waited  to  fight,  these  British  ships 
stationed  in  readiness,  as  doggedly  determined 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  137 


as  the  fearless  opponents  that  essayed  to  reach 
them,  confident  in  the  masterful  leadership  of 
a  maimed  veteran  who  had  served  with  honor 
under  that  great  chief  whom  the  untried  young 
American  opposite  had  taken  for  his  model. 
No  farcical  demonstration  here,  no  fruitless 
jockeying,  no  bootless  shots  exchanged  at  illim- 
itable range,  no  wild  scurryings  after  one  an- 
other up  and  down  a  lake,  which  afforded,  in 
spoils,  little  more  than  a  few  helpless,  discour- 
aged merchantmen;  no  retirement  of  each  to 
his  own  port  to  await  the  building  of  another 
ship  or  two  to  "equalize  the  forces,"  nothing 
of  unfettered  loquacity  in  the  shape  of  intermi- 
nable reports,  transmitted  by  each  to  his  Gov- 
ernment, reciting  the  multitudinous  reasons 
for  not  doing  the  things  that  ought  to  have 
been  done.  Nothing  of  these,  and  the  absence 
of  them  made  the  name  of  Erie  immortal. 
Headed  by  such  men,  it  was  but  natural  that 
the  flotillas  should  sweep  with  the  first  fair 
wind  into  a  death-grapple  whose  finish  should, 
in  its  decisiveness,  afford  a  shining  opportunity 
for  the  employment  of  words  of  graphic  brevity 
in  its  announcement. 
Preparations  had  been  made  to  sail  to  lee- 


138        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


ward,  when  a  sudden  favorable  shift  of  the  wind 
allowed  the  American  squadron  to  keep  the 
weather-gage,  clearing  the  islands.  In  the  mean- 
time, Perry,  on  the  Lawrence,  had  addressed  a 
few  earnest  words  to  his  men,  who  cheered. 
He  then  hoisted  the  battle-flag,  with  its  white- 
lettered  appeal,  to  the  mast-head.  It  was  the 
battle-signal,  and  cheers  were  roared  from  the 
deck  of  every  ship  in  the  squadron.  The  ships, 
moving  slowly  toward  the  enemy,  were  wholly 
prepared;  the  final  gruesome  touch  was  ad- 
ministered in  the  wetting  of  the  decks  and  the 
sprinkling  of  sand  upon  them,  that  they  might 
not  be  too  slippery  when  blood  should  flow. 
It  was  the  lull  before  the  storm,  and  Perry, 
knowing  well  that  there  would  be  grim  business 
afoot  at  the  dinner-hour,  ordered  refreshments 
distributed. 

The  Americans  had  nine  vessels  engaged  in 
the  action  of  that  day,  the  Lawrence,  com- 
manded by  Commodore  Perry,  and  having 
20  guns;  the  second,  brig  Niagara,  20  guns, 
commanded  by  Captain  Elliott ;  the  Caledonia, 
Purser  McGrath,  3;  schooner  Ariel,  4  guns  (one 
of  which  burst  early  in  the  action),  Lieutenant 
Packet  commanding;  Scorpion,  2,  Sailing-Mas- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  139 


ter  Champlin;  Somers,  2,  and  2  swivels,  Sail- 
ing-Master  Almy;  sloop  Trippe,  1,  Lieutenant 
Smith;  schooner  Tigress,  1,  Master's  Mate 
McDonald;  Porcupine,  1,  Midshipman  Senat. 
The  Ohio,  Sailing-Master  Dobbins,  did  not 
participate,  having  been  sent  to  Erie  for  sup- 
plies. The  American  squadron  had  54  guns, 
all  told. 

The  British  fleet  comprised  the  ship  Detroit, 
new  and  strongly  built,  mounting  long  24's, 
18's  and  12's,  19  guns,  one  on  pivots,  and  2 
howitzers;  Queen  Charlotte,  17;  schooner  Lady 
Prevost,  13;  brig  Hunter,  10;  sloop  Little 
Belt,  3;  schooner  Chippewa,  1,  and  2  swivels; 
total,  63  guns. 

The  engagement  occurred  at  a  point  ten  miles 
north  of  Put-in  Bay.  As  the  American  squad- 
ron moved  up,  Barclay,  awaiting  the  attack, 
stretched  his  fleet  in  a  line  square  across  the 
wind,  as  close  together  as  possible  to  work 
effectively,  with  the  Detroit  at  the  head  and 
the  small  Chippewa  under  her  bows.  The  De- 
troit was  the  flagship.  Next  her  was  the 
Hunter.  The  Lawrence,  flanked  by  the  Scorpion 
and  Ariel  on  the  left  and  by  the  brig  Cale- 
donia on  the  right,  moved  forward  to  engage 


140        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  three  British  boats  named  above.  The 
Niagara  was  to  take  care  of  the  Queen  Char- 
lotte, while  the  Somers,  Porcupine,  Tigress  and 
Trippe  were  to  remain  discreetly  astern  and 
engage  the  Lady  Prevost  and  Little  Belt. 

In  order  to  employ  his  armament  to  the  best 
advantage,  it  was  necessary  for  Perry  to  engage 
the  enemy  as  closely  as  possible.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  was  for  Barclay's  interest  to  wage  the 
battle  from  a  further  distance,  if  he  could. 
The  crews  on  the  American  ships  and  their 
British  opponents  found  the  long  wait  trying 
enough,  as  the  squadron  of  Perry  slowly  drifted 
with  the  light  wind  toward  the  enemy.  The 
American  Commodore  paced  the  deck  of  the 
Lawrence  incessantly,  the  calm,  impassive  face 
in  strange  contrast  to  the  eyes,  which  fairly 
burned  with  excitement.  From  time  to  time  he 
paused  a  moment  to  speak  to  some  of  his  eager 
men.  He  stopped  by  one  long  gun.  The  men 
who  manned  it  were  lounging  in  easy  attitudes, 
waiting  the  word.  In  appearance  they  were 
picturesque  enough.  Stripped  to  the  waist, 
full-muscled  and  with  folded  arms,  handkerchiefs 
bound  about  their  tousled  heads  to  keep  their 
long  hair  from  falling  over  their  eyes,  they  were 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  141 


watching  the  British  ships  with  an  air  oddly 
impersonal,  mildly  nonchalant.  It  was  enough 
then;  a  little  later  they  would  be  veritable 
loosed  demons,  firing  like  mad  and  with  deadly 
aim,  swearing  great,  round  oaths  with  every 
fresh  charge  rammed  home.  They  were  all 
veterans  from  the  immortal  Constitution. 

Perry  surveyed  them  in  silence  for  a  moment. 
"I  need  not  say  anything  to  you,"  he  finally 
observed.  "You  know  how  to  beat  those  fel- 
lows."   And  the  men  grinned. 

He  halted  a  moment  by  another  little  group, 
comprised  of  men  who  had  accompanied  him 
from  Newport.  "Ah,"  said  he,  "here  are  the 
Newport  boys.  They  will  do  their  duty,  I 
warrant."  A  ringing  cheer  made  a  satisfactory 
reply. 

At  a  quarter  before  noon,  when  the  flagships 
were  still  over  a  mile  apart  and  the  little  Ameri- 
can gunboats  had  fallen  far  behind,  the  sound 
of  a  bugle  was  heard  from  the  deck  of  the  De- 
troit, and  the  British  bands  fell  with  spirit  to 
the  playing  of  "Rule,  Brittania."  A  little 
later  a  hearty  British  cheer  roared  out,  and, 
with  a  thunderous  detonation,  a  solid  shot  from 
one  of  the  flagship's  long  guns  came  bound- 


142        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


ing  over  the  water  toward  the  advancing  Law- 
rence. It  fell  short,  but  the  next,  which  arrived 
five  minutes  later,  was  well  aimed,  and  passed 
through  the  bulwarks  of  Perry's  ship.  The 
crew,  eager  for  retaliation,  sprang  to  the  guns, 
but  Perry  stayed  them.  Steady,  boys! 
Steady  !"  he  cried  and  they  fell  back.  He  had 
determined  to  engage  the  enemy  closely,  and 
the  fleet  moved  on  in  silence,  whilst  signals  were 
sent  from  the  flagship  for  each  ship  to  engage 
its  specified  antagonist.  For  ten  minutes  fol- 
lowing the  initial  shot  the  squadron  swept  on, 
when  Stephen  Champlin,"^  the  Commodore's 
cousin,  in  command  of  the  little  Scorpion,  fired 
the  first  American  shot,  as  he  w  as  destined  also 
to  fire  the  last  in  this  engagement. 

Barclay  had  concentrated  his  fleet  to  the  best 
advantage,  which  fact  was  made  apparent 
during  the  interval  after  the  initial  shot,  while 
the  Lawrence  and  the  other  American  ships 

*  Stephen  Champlin  was  at  this  time  24  years  old,  hav- 
ing been  born  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode  Island,  No- 
vember 17,  1789.  His  father  was  a  volunteer  soldier  in 
the  Revolution.  His  mother  was  a  sister  of  Commodore 
Perry's  father,  making  the  two  commanders  first  cousins. 
He  was  the  last  survivor  of  the  nine  commanders  in  Perry's 
squadron  at  the  Battle  of  Lake  Erie. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  143 


were  holding  their  fire  till  they  should  sail  up 
to  conveniently  close  quarters.  The  American 
squadron  while  attempting  to  get  up  within 
satisfactory  range,  became  scattered.  The 
smaller  vessels  had  fallen  so  far  behind  that 
when  the  battle  began  the  Trippe  was  more 
than  two  miles  away  from  the  enemy.  The 
Lawrence  was  making  every  effort  to  get  close 
to  the  Detroit.  Barclay's  squadron  was  so 
placed  that  the  Hunter  and  the  Queen  Char- 
lotte were  enabled,  together  with  the  Detroit,  to 
pour  in  a  destructive  fire  upon  the  Lawrence, 
which  the  British  Commodore  had  determined 
to  first  destroy,  and  then  cut  the  remainder 
of  the  American  fleet  to  pieces.  By  the  time 
Champlin's  shot  opened  Perry's  battle,  the  Law- 
rence was  already  the  worse  for  wear ;  and  she 
soon  was  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  attentions  of 
thirty-four  heavy  guns,  with  an  occasional  ad- 
ditional morsel,  byway  of  dessert,  from  the  Lady 
Prevost,  which  stood  fifth  in  Barclay's  battle 
line.  Flanked  by  the  schooners  Ariel  and  Scor- 
pion, without  bulwarks,  and  with  but  six  guns 
between  them,  the  doomed  Lawrence  moved  un- 
falteringly into  a  veritable  smoke-laden,  roaring 
pit  of  death.  The  Detroit,  the  Hunter  and  the 


144        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Queen  Charlotte  had  formed  a  crescent  around 
one  side  and  the  stern  of  the  Lawrence,  the 
Hunter  being  able  to  fairly  rake  the  flagship 
fore  and  aft.  The  murderous  crescent,  with 
occasional  broadsides  from  the  Lady  Prevost, 
had  already  worked  awful  havoc  with  the 
Lawrence  by  the  time  Perry  had  worked  his 
ship  to  within  half  a  musket  shot  of  the  De- 
troit. Then,  wholly  undismayed,  though  the 
carnage  was  already  terrific,  his  men  giving 
blow  for  blow,  working  like  fiends,  poured 
broadside  after  broadside  into  the  Detroit; 
while  the  furious  storm  that  was  tearing  out 
the  very  vitals  of  the  Lawrence  continued,  re- 
morseless, unabated. 

The  little  schooners,  which  had  accompanied 
the  flagship,  kept  to  their  posts,  fighting 
bravely  though  comparatively  unharmed.  The 
grim  attentions  of  the  enemy  in  that  entire 
quarter  were  wholly  devoted  to  the  Lawrenpe: 
and  the  fight  that  was  made  by  the  men  on 
that  battered  brig,  against  hopeless  odds,  will 
live  on  as  one  of  the  most  stirring  traditions 
of  the  nation's  histories  of  naval  warfare. 

It  was  a  quarter  past  noon  when  the  Law- 
rence had  gotten  into  the  thickest  of  the  fire. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  145 


Soon  after  Champlin's  shot  had  opened  the 
battle  for  the  Americans,  the  flagship,  while 
advancing  toward  the  Detroit,  had  begun 
firing  upon  her  with  her  long  bow-gun,  a  12- 
pounder,  after  which  the  action  speedily  became 
general.  The  Caledonia  was  equipped  with 
long  guns,  and  her  work  was  effective  from  the 
beginning  against  the  Chippewa,  Detroit  and 
Hunter,  to  which  trio  she  had  been  assigned. 
Captain  Elliott,  in  the  Niagara,  instructed  to 
engage  the  Queen  Charlotte,  was  some  distance 
back  and  was  unable  to  make  adequate  use  of 
his  carronades.  Though  she  had  twenty  guns, 
but  a  single  long  12  was  of  use  at  first  until 
Elliott  wheeled  another  into  position.  The 
pair  were  served  vigorously  until  most  of  the 
ammunition  of  their  caliber  was  gone.  The 
smaller  vessels  were  still  too  far  back  to  render 
any  efficient  service.  Perry,  seeing  early  in  the 
engagement  that  his  ships  would  have  to  draw 
closer  to  the  enemy,  transmitted  trumpeted 
orders  for  all  the  ships  of  the  squadron  to  make 
sail  and  engage  Barclay  at  close  quarters. 
This  order  was  transmitted  by  Captain  Elliott, 
the  second  in  command,  but  the  Niagara  re- 
mained well  back,  continuing  to  work  her  long 

lO 


146        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


guns.  The  Lawrence,  Scorpion,  Ariel  and  Cale- 
donia had  sailed  up  into  close  quarters.  Perry 
supposed  at  noon  that  he  was  close  enough  for 
good  service  with  his  carronades  and  opened 
with  the  first  division  of  his  battery  upon  the 
Detroit's  starboard  side.  His  shots  fell  short, 
however,  while  the  concentrated  fire  of  the 
enemy  worked  terrible  havoc  with  the  Lawrence. 
The  Caledonia  and  Hunter  were  now  hotly  en- 
gaged. The  Niagara  had  failed  to  come  to  close 
quarters  with  the  Queen  Charlotte,  which  ves- 
sel took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  place 
herself  in  a  position  where  she  could  assist  in 
the  annihilation  of  the  American  flagship, 
which,  at  a  quarter  past  noon,  had  gotten 
within  musket-shot  distance  of  her  desired 
quarry,  the  Detroit.  The  Queen  Charlotte 
passed  the  Hunter  and  took  a  position  astern 
of  the  Detroit,  from  which  point  of  vantage 
she  poured  in  broadsides  upon  the  buffeted 
Lawrence. 

Barclay's  tactics,  well  planned,  were  up  to 
now  eminently  successful.  The  smaller  ships 
of  Perry's  squadron  were  far  to  the  rear,  of 
scarcely  any  service,  and  the  Niagara  was 
rendering  but  little  more.    The  Caledonia  was 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  147 


working  gallantly,  but  was  too  busily  occupied 
with  her  own  antagonist  to  be  able  to  do  much 
for  the  Lawrence.  The  assistance  rendered  the 
latter  by  the  Scorpion  and  Ariel,  while  gallant 
enough,  through  their  size  could  be  but  small 
against  such  odds.  As  for  the  American  flag- 
ship herself,  she  was  fairly  hemmed  within  a 
crashing,  detonating  wall  of  smoke-enshrouded, 
fiery  death.  Barclay  had  planned  well.  It  was 
a  masterly  conception  judged  by  the  grim  stand- 
ards of  war.  With  his  opponent's  flagship 
sunk  or  forced  to  strike  her  flag,  with  the  lead- 
ing spirit  disposed  of,  it  would  be  a  compara- 
tively easy  matter,  he  reckoned,  to  capture  or 
disperse  the  remainder  of  a  fleet  disorganized 
because  robbed  of  its  mainstay.  So,  to  this 
grim  end,  an  end  which  for  a  time  seemed  in- 
evitable of  accomplishment,  the  British  ships 
poured  swift  death  and  the  torments  of 
anguished  wounds  into  the  staggering,  fight- 
ing hulk,  which  the  worst  furies  of  the  raging 
storm  could  not  subdue. 

Given  many  another  man  than  Oliver  Hazard 
Perry,  many  another  of  proved  gallantry  and 
honorable  career,  to  have  walked  the  deck  of 
the  Lawrence  that  day,  and  the  issue  of  Erie 


148        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


had  resulted  differently.  It  was  a  fight  in  which 
men's  souls  were  tried  by  fire;  any  faltering 
in  high  places  would  have  been  fatal.  Many 
a  gallant  man  in  Perry's  place,  counting  his 
cause  as  lost,  would  have  early  in  that  seeth- 
ing storm  lost  heart  of  hope  and  hauled  his 
colors  down.  But  just  as  relentlessly  as  Barclay, 
with  his  gallant  crews  behind  him,  pursued  the 
well-planned  means  to  the  sanguinary  end,  so 
did  the  shell-torn  brig,  dominated  by  a  lion 
heart,  indomitably  resist  as  long  as  a  glazing 
eye  was  left  to  aim  the  shots  or  hands  to  ram 
them  home. 

For  two  long  hoiu"s,  hours  crowded  with  hope- 
lessness and  horror,  the  flagship  weathered 
the  storm,  until,  helpless  and  done,  her  last 
gun  silenced,  the  abandonment  occurred  which 
was  to  lead  to  victory.  A  grim  record  indeed, 
the  tale  of  that  stubborn,  losing  fight  against 
overpowering  odds.  The  wardroom  of  the  ves- 
sel, used  as  a  cockpit,  was  mostly  above  water, 
the  brig  being  shallow.  The  wounded  were 
taken  there  and  shots  from  the  enemy  pierced 
their  refuge  and  added  to  the  horrors  of  the 
situation.  The  deck  planks  thinly  roofed  them 
from  the  din  above;  while  crimson  streams 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  149 


continually  dripped  down  upon  them  through 
the  seams  of  the  flooring.  Instances  could  be 
multiplied  of  the  horrors  which  reddened  those 
decks,  but  few  will  suffice.  Lieutenant  Brooks, 
of  the  marines,  while  speaking  confidently  to 
Perry  in  the  midst  of  the  engagement,  was 
struck  in  the  thigh  by  a  cannon-ball  and  hurled 
to  the  opposite  side  of  the  deck.  In  his  an- 
guish he  shrieked  for  his  commander  to  kill 
him.  The  Commodore  directed  marines  to  carry 
him  below,  where  he  shortly  died,  gasping  some 
pathetic  instructions  concerning  his  affairs. 
Perry's  yoimg  brother,  a  boy  of  thirteen^ 
beginning  his  career  as  a  midshipman,  was 
knocked  down  by  a  hammock  which  had  been 
driven  in  by  a  cannon-ball.  The  Commodore 
feared  that  he  was  killed,  but  he  leaped  to  his 
feet  uninjured,  and  remained  upon  the  deck. 
Previous  to  this,  two  musket  balls  had  passed 
through  the  lad's  hat  and  his  clothing  had 
been  torn  by  splinters.  Perry  stepped  up  to  a 
seaman,  the  captain  of  one  of  the  gun  crews 
who  was  having  difficulty  with  his  piece,  the 
forelock  being  broken.  The  seaman  exclaimed, 
"Sir,  my  gun  behaves  shamefully!"  He  then 
leveled  the  gun,  and,  while  taking  aim,  was 


150        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


rent  by  a  cannon-ball;  while  Perry,  who  stood 
next  him,  was  unharmed.  Again,  while  the 
Lawrence's  Second  Lieutenant  was  standing 
close  by  the  Commodore,  he  was  struck  in  the 
breast  by  a  chain  shot.  Having  passed  through 
the  bulwark  it  but  knocked  him  down,  stunning 
him.  Perry  assisted  him  to  his  feet,  when  the 
Lieutenant,  with  the  utmost  nonchalance,  thrust 
the  shot  into  his  pocket,  remarking,  "A  sou- 
venir!" and  resumed  his  duties.  Lieutenant 
Yarnell,  intrepidly  associated  with  the  story 
of  that  day,  dressed  like  a  common  seaman, 
had  his  neck  and  head  bound  with  red  ban- 
danas, stanching  previous  wounds.  A  splinter 
had  been  driven  through  his  nose,  swelling  it 
hideously.  The  blood  from  his  wounds  covered 
his  face  and  neck.  In  this  plight  he  came  to 
the  Commodore,  at  the  height  of  the  action, 
coolly  informing  him  that  every  officer  of  his 
division  had  been  killed.  Perry  detailed  men  to 
take  the  vacant  places.  Soon  afterward  Yar- 
nell, bleeding  from  fresh  wounds,  returned  to 
say  that  the  reinforcements  were  all  dead  or 
wounded.  "You  must  make  out  for  yourself," 
returned  Perry,  "I  have  no  men  left  to  give 
you."    Yarnell  returned  to  aim  and  fire  his 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  151 


guns  with  his  own  hands,  as  his  chief  was  to 
do  later.  And  through  it  all,  with  men  drop- 
ping on  every  side  mangled  and  dying,  the  spirit 
to  do  and  die  raged  in  a  veritable  flame.  One 
seaman  in  command  of  a  gun  rushed  frenziedly 
to  Perry,  and  bringing  his  blackened  hands 
down  upon  the  Commodore's  shoulders,  cried, 
"  For  God's  sake,  sir,  give  me  some  more  men  !" 
Every  man  of  his  crew  had  been  killed  or 
wounded.  With  the  action  at  its  worst,  with 
the  decimated  deck  no  longer  able  to  furnish 
men  enough  for  the  work  at  hand,  Perry  called 
for  the  surgeon,  busy  in  the  cockpit,  to  send 
up  one  of  his  six  assistants.  In  a  few  minutes 
another  was  summoned,  and  so  on  till  all  had 
come.  Perry  summoned  once  again,  but  the 
surgeon  replied  that  he  was  now  alone.  "Are 
there  any  of  the  wounded  able  to  pull  on  a 
rope?"  cried  the  Commodore.  And  crawling 
blindly,  painfully  up  to  the  deck  came  two  or 
three  blood-drenched  heroes  to  lay  hold  with 
their  ebbing  strength  and  assist  in  pulling 
the  last  gun  into  position.  When  Perry,  cool 
and  unshaken  in  the  midst  of  the  hurricane 
of  death,  chanced  to  glance  at  the  bleeding 
wounded  who  lay  stretched  upon  the  deck,  he 


152        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


invariably  found  their  faces  turned  toward 
him;  a  tribute  moving  enough  in  those  awful 
hours.  Out  of  all  the  Lawrence's  officers,  Perry 
and  his  young  brother  were  the  only  ones  un- 
hurt in  the  engagement,  though  in  the  thick 
of  it  from  first  to  last.  Down  in  the  cockpit, 
where  the  wounded  were  taken,  mortality  en- 
tered and  worked  havoc.  Midshipman  Lamb, 
with  a  shattered  arm,  was  attended  by  the  sur- 
geon, and,  while  moving  forward  to  lie  down, 
was  struck  by  a  round-shot  which  crashed 
through  the  brig's  side  and  killed  him  instantly. 
Another  shot  killed  a  Narragansett  Indian 
who  had  been  wounded,  and  others  sustained 
grievous  additional  wounds  while  those  received 
previously  upon  the  deck  were  receiving  atten- 
tion. And  meanwhile  gun  after  gun  of  the  Law- 
rence was  dismounted ;  great  splinters  of  wood 
torn  from  the  brig's  timbers  launched  forth, 
jagged  javelins  of  death,  tearing  quivering 
human  flesh;  rigging  and  sails  swung  and 
flapped  in  severed  strands  and  tattered  shreds ; 
crunching  missiles  bored  and  ground  through 
bone  and  vitals;  oaths  died  in  fleeting,  gasp- 
ing prayers;  death  stalked  the  deck,  while 
always    there    grew    in    appalling  reverber- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  153 


ations  the  rolling  thunder  of  the  murderous 
storm. 

And  so  on  without  pause  or  respite,  until 
the  Lawrence  had  left  but  a  single  gun;  that 
gun  which  the  wounded  crawled  from  the  cock- 
pit to  assist  in  hauling  into  position.  With 
the  Commodore  himself  helping  to  heave  at  the 
ropes  of  the  gun-tackles,  she  was  drawn  up 
and  her  muzzle  rolled  out  through  the  port, 
Perry  himself  aiming  and  firing  the  last  shot 
from  the  brig.  The  next  hostile  broadside 
silenced  the  remaining  gun  and  severely 
wounded  Purser  Hambleton,  who  stood  close 
by  Perry.  With  that  the  Commodore  turned 
from  the  final  forlorn  hope  to  look  about  his 
stricken  brig.  Dead  men  lay  upon  the  deck 
and  the  groans  and  cries  of  the  wounded 
sounded  from  it  and  from  the  cockpit  below. 
The  vessel  was  riddled  with  gaping  holes;  she 
rolled  with  the  swells,  a  helpless  wreck.  Twenty, 
two  men  had  been  killed  and  sixty-one  wounded ; 
but  fourteen  remained  unhurt,  nine  of  whom 
were  common  seamen.  Of  all  the  execution  sus- 
tained by  individual  ships  that  day,  and  both 
squadrons  suffered  severely,  all  paled  by  com- 
parison with  that  inflicted  upon  the  Lawrence. 


154        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


The  guns  of  the  Lawrence  were  now  stilled 
and  no  more  signals  came  from  her  commander. 
It  is  probable  that  Elliott  now  believed  Perry 
to  be  slain,  and  himself  commander  of  the 
squadron.  The  Niagara  had  kept  far  away; 
she  and  her  crew  were  yet  fresh.  Though  Elliott 
had  personally  passed  Perry's  order  for  close 
conflict,  he  had  not  himself  taken  advantage 
of  it,  but  had  continued  to  comply  with  his 
original  order  to  keep  at  half-cable  length  be- 
hind the  Caledonia  on  the  line.  He  had  been 
ordered  likewise  to  engage  the  Queen  Charlotte ; 
but  when  that  vessel  had  left  her  original 
station  to  join  in  the  destruction  of  the  Law- 
rence, the  Niagara  had  not  followed  her. 

But  when  the  growl  of  the  Lawrence's  last 
gun  had  sounded,  and  she  seemed  a  dead  thing 
rolling  on  the  waters,  Elliott  hailed  the  Cale- 
donia, ordering  Lieutenant  Turner  to  leave  the 
line  and  approach  the  Hunter  in  close  conflict, 
affording  the  Niagara  an  opportunity  to  re- 
lieve the  Lawrence.  The  Caledonia  responded 
and  was  soon  desperately  engaged  with  the 
Hunter  at  close  quarters.  The  breeze  had  fresh- 
ened. The  Niagara's  spare  canvas  unfurled  in 
white,  billowing  clouds,  and  she  leaped  ahead; 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  155 


but  not  toward  the  Lawrence.  Instead,  she 
bore  away  toward  the  head  of  Barclay's  squad- 
ron, passing  the  Lawrence,  still  withered  by 
a  galling  fire,  to  windward.  Elliott  sent  a 
boat  to  the  Lawrence  for  ammunition  to  re- 
plenish his  dwindling  stock.  As  the  Niagara 
bore  down,  returning  vigorously  the  defiant 
broadsides  flung  at  her  from  the  Queen  Char- 
lotte, Lady  Prevost  and  Hunter,  and  as  she 
drew  abreast  of  the  Lawrence's  larboard  beam, 
a  half-mile  distant  from  that  unheeded  vessel, 
there  occurred  the  sublimest  passage  in  the 
Epic  of  Erie;  the  passage  whose  recital  will 
thrill  the  blood  of  the  generations  as  long 
as  the  world  shall  love  her  heroes;  which 
will  be  at  the  end  as  it  has  been  from  the 
beginning. 

To  Perry,  aboard  the  shattered  Lawrence, 
even  yet  indomitable,  unconquered;  still  stand- 
ing erect,  unsubdued,  amid  the  debris  of  his 
poor,  smashed  ship,  the  crashing  broadsides  of 
the  fighting  Caledonia  were  renewed  alarums; 
the  spread  of  the  sails  of  the  rushing  Niagara 
were  wide-flung  wings  of  Hope.  The  Commodore 
watched  the  approach  eagerly;  relief  was  at 
hand.  When  he  saw  that  she  was  passing  him, 


156        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


a  sudden  grim  inspiration  fired  his  soul;  an 
inspiration  that  was  fraught  with  the  issue 
of  that  momentous  day. 

From  the  decks  of  the  batthng,  implacable 
British  ships  rose  deep-throated  cheers  that 
rivaled  the  din  of  the  guns,  which  lessened  per- 
ceptibly for  a  space.  From  the  masthead  of 
the  helpless  Lawrence,  the  big  blue  burgee, 
the  white-lettered  bugle  call  upon  an  azure  field, 
had  come  fluttering  down.  The  pennant  fol- 
lowed ;  but  the  Stars  and  Stripes  remained.  It 
was  then  not  a  surrender,  as  the  enemy  had 
thought.  What  then  was  it?  The  next  moment 
furnished  a  reply.  For  out  from  under  the  lee 
of  the  battered  hulk  darted  a  small  boat,  pro- 
pelled by  oars  in  the  hands  of  brawny  seamen, 
straight  for  the  passing  Niagara.  Erect  in  the 
stern  stood  a  splendid  stalwart  figure,  the  folds 
of  the  big  blue  burgee  and  the  pennant  draped 
over  the  broad  shoulders,  the  face  still  calmly 
impassive,  the  eyes  smouldering.  Commodore 
Perry  was  transferring  his  flag. 

On  sped  the  boat,  followed  at  first  by  a  few 
pitiful  quavering  cheers  from  poor  dying  devils 
on  the  deck  of  the  abandoned  hulk,  watching 
the  departing  boat  with  wistful  eyes.  Then, 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  157 


from  the  decks  of  the  other  ships  of  the  Ameri- 
can squadron,  their  crews  now  thoroughly  com- 
prehending, arose  a  very  tempest  of  mad  cheers. 
Half  surrounded  as  it  was  by  the  enemy's  ships, 
the  boat  swept  on  through  a  perfect  roaring 
tornado,  the  commander,  still  strangely  im- 
passive, erect  in  the  stern.  Cannon  balls,  grape, 
canister  and  musket-shot  fairly  poured  from 
the  enemy's  decks.  Perry's  young  brother 
pleaded  with  the  Commodore  to  sit  down,  but 
he  seemed  oblivious.  Finally  his  oarsmen,  fear- 
ful for  his  safety,  flatly  refused  to  row  longer 
unless  he  sat  down,  when  he  complied.  The 
men  then  redoubled  their  efforts,  speeding  to- 
ward the  now  waiting  Niagara.  The  storm 
from  the  British  guns,  if  possible,  grew  in  vio- 
lence ;  the  oars  were  splintered  by  musket  balls ; 
heavy  shot  plunged  into  the  water  close  at 
hand,  drenching  the  crew  with  spray;  death 
hovered  hungrily  about  the  boat,  his  grisly 
clasp  seemingly  restrained  by  a  higher  Power. 
As  by  a  miracle  the  small  craft's  tenants  es- 
caped unscathed.  A  round  shot  finally  came 
tearing  through  the  boat's  side.  In  a  trice 
Perry  had  slipped  off  the  epauletted  coat  of 
his  rank,  the  garment  he  had  donned  upon 


158        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


leaving  the  Lawrence's  deck,  replacing  the  blue 
nankeen  jacket  he  had  worn  up  to  that  time, 
and  stopped  the  hole  with  it.  The  boat  reached 
the  side  of  the  Niagara  in  safety,  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  after  leaving  the  Lawrence.  The 
cheers  of  the  Americans,  grown  stilled  by 
anxiety  during  the  perilous  trip,  once  more 
rang  out  jubilantly. 

Perry,  disheveled,  smoke-begrimed,  quickly 
boarded  the  Niagara.  He  was  met  at  the  gang- 
way by  Elliott,  who  saw  in  the  man  whom  he 
had  supposed  dead,  evidence  enough  of  un- 
diminished vigor. 

"How  goes  the  day?"  asked  Elliott.  It  was 
as  though  he  realized  that  he  had  been  too 
far  away  to  tell  for  himself. 

"Bad  enough,"  replied  Perry,  grimly.  "Why 
are  the  gunboats  so  far  astern?" 

"I'll  bring  them  up,"  said  Elliott,  quickly. 

"Do  so,"  responded  the  Commodore,  shortly; 
and  Elliott,  springing  into  the  boat  just  va- 
cated by  his  chief,  set  off  to  hurry  the  lagging 
smaller  vessels.  Meanwhile  Perry  quickly  pre- 
pared for  the  master  stroke  which  won  for  his 
squadron  the  battle. 

When  Perry  left  the  Lawrence  he  placed  her 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  159 


in  charge  of  Yarnell,  with  discretionary  powers 
to  hold  out  or  surrender  as  his  judgment  and 
the  circumstances  should  dictate.  The  Lieu- 
tenant, after  consulting  with  Lieutenant  For- 
rest and  Sailing-Master  Taylor,  had  hauled 
down  the  flag  of  the  helpless  brig,  that,  for 
humanity's  sake,  the  opposing  fire  should 
cease.  A  triumphant  cheer  arose  from  the  Brit- 
ish, which  was  heard  by  the  wounded  in  the 
flagship's  cockpit.  Being  sadly  informed  of 
the  reason,  there  arose  despairing  cries  of 
"  Sink  the  ship  ! "  Their  spirits,  indomitable  in 
maimed,  suffering  bodies,  were  to  be  gladdened 
a  half-hour  later,  when  the  Commodore  was 
once  more  to  tread  the  bloody  deck. 

Elliott  hurried  in  his  small  boat  to  accelerate 
the  gunboats.  Ordering  them  to  use  sails  and 
oars  with  vigor  and  join  the  larger  ships  ahead, 
he  went  aboard  the  Somers,  displaying  gal- 
lantry," says  an  account,  "till  the  close  of  the 
action."  Perry  had  rapidly  inventoried  the 
Niagara.  She  was  in  perfect  condition  for  bat- 
tle. The  pennant  and  burgee  were  quickly 
hoisted,  the  signal  displayed  for  close  action, 
while  the  crews  of  the  squadron  cheered.  The 
Niagara  hove  to,  her  course  was  altered,  her 


160        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


guns  double-shotted,  and  she  bore  down  upon 
the  British  hne,  now  but  half  a  mile  away. 
Perry  had  resolved  upon  one  supreme  effort  to 
break  that  deadly  line. 

He  succeeded.  The  Niagara,  sweeping  irre- 
sistibly on,  passed  at  half  pistol-shot  distance 
between  the  Lady  Prevost  and  Chippewa  on 
her  larboard,  and  the  Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte 
and  Hunter  on  her  starboard,  pouring  in  with- 
ering broadsides  as  she  passed.  The  Queen 
Charlotte,  having  lost  her  commander  and 
several  of  her  principal  officers,  in  a  moment 
of  confusion  fouled  the  Detroit,  both  of  them 
being  prevented  through  this  mishap  from 
returning  with  any  effect  the  terrible  fire  now 
poured  into  them.  Perry,  having  pierced  the 
line,  now  ranged  ahead,  rounded  to  and  raked 
the  two  distressed  vessels  with  terrific  broad- 
sides. As  the  Niagara  dashed  through  the  line 
her  fire  literally  cut  the  Lady  Prevost  to  pieces. 
The  men,  fairly  swept  from  the  deck,  had  to 
take  refuge  below,  excepting  the  ship's  com- 
mander. Lieutenant  Buchan,  who  had  distin- 
guished himself  under  Nelson  in  the  Battle  of 
the  Nile.  Buchan  had  been  shot  through  the 
face  with  a  musket  ball,  fired  by  one  of  a  corps 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  161 


of  marines.  Perry  saw  him  standing  alone, 
leaning  on  the  companionway,  his  wounded 
face  in  his  hands.  He  was  watching  the  Niagara 
with  a  fixed  glare  so  strange  that  Perry  at 
once  ordered  the  marines  to  cease  their  fire, 
as  it  was  evident  that  resistance  had  ended 
aboard  the  Prevost,  and  her  commander  was 
seriously  injured.  It  developed  that  the  strange 
appearance  of  Buchan  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  he  had  become  suddenly  crazed  with  his 
wound.  In  the  meantime,  the  rest  of  Perry's 
fleet  had  responded  nobly  to  the  Niagara's 
stirring  example.  The  disabled  Lawrence  hav- 
ing drifted  astern  of  her  place  in  the  line,  the 
Caledonia  took  her  position  against  the  Detroit, 
while  the  Trippe  took  the  Caledonia's  place 
against  the  Hunter.  Turner  and  Holdup,  com- 
manding the  Caledonia  and  Trippe,  respectively, 
had  exchanged  signals  to  board  the  Detroit, 
which  project  was  abandoned  when  they  saw 
the  Niagara,  with  the  Commodore's  pennant 
aloft,  begin  the  dash  that  broke  the  British  line. 
So  the  Caledonia  quickly  followed  the  Niagara 
into  the  thick  of  it.  The  stiffening  breeze  had 
meanwhile  brought  up  the  Somers,  the  Tigress 

and  the  Porcupine,  so  that  the  entire  squadron, 
II 


162        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


sans  the  exhausted  Lawrence,  was  now  for  the 
first  time  adequately  in  the  battle.  The  inspir- 
ing example  of  their  commander  had  done  its 
work;  the  crews  fought  as  if  unwearied.  The 
result  was  appalling  in  its  swiftness.  Eight 
minutes  after  the  Niagara's  dash  through 
the  British  line;  the  Detroit  struck  her  colors. 
She  was  quickly  followed  by  the  Queen  Char- 
lotte and  Lady  Prevost,  and  a  little  later  by 
the  Hunter.  The  Chippewa  and  Little  Belt 
attempted  their  escape  toward  Maiden,  but 
Champlin  in  the  Scorpion  and  Holdup  in  the 
Trippe  overtook  and  brought  them  back; 
Champlin  firing  the  last  gun  of  the  battle  dur- 
ing the  chase.  It  was  tliree  o'clock  when  the 
flag  of  the  Detroit  was  lowered;  but  the  fugi- 
tives had  so  nearly  escaped,  that  it  was  ten 
at  night  before  the  pursuing  American  vessels 
returned  with  them. 

When  the  embattled  roar  ceased,  and  the  thick 
smoke  drifted  away,  the  two  squadrons  found 
themselves  intermingled.  While,  to  preserve 
what  life  remained  aboard  of  her,  the  flag  of  the 
Lawrence  had  been  struck,  the  hulk  had  not 
been  boarded  by  the  enemy.  When  the  shroud- 
ing smoke  lifted,  revealing  the  victory,  shouts 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  163 


of  joy  sounded  from  her  deck  and  the  national 
banner  was  again  hoisted  to  the  mast-head. 
The  wounded  in  the  wardroom  added  their 
feeble  cheers. 

The  joy  of  the  American  crews  when  the  sur- 
render occurred  may  be  imagined,  when  it  is 
reflected  that  it  was  the  first  time  an  Ameri- 
can squadron  had  encountered  one  of  a  rival 
nation  in  battle  alignment,  and  it  was  the  first 
capture  recorded  of  an  entire  British  fleet.  So 
that  one  can  sense  in  some  measure,  the  uplift 
of  spirit  in  which,  when  the  feat  had  been  ac- 
complished. Perry  penciled  on  the  back  of  an 
old  letter  held  upon  his  navy  cap,  that  sim- 
ple, stirring  message  to  General  Harrison  : 

"We  have  met  the  enemy  and  they  are  ours; 
two  ships,  two  brigs,  one  schooner  and  one 
sloop.    Yours,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 

^'0.  H.  Perry." 

A  little  later  followed  the  second  dispatch, 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  as  follows  : 

"U.  S.  Brig  Niagara, 
"off  the  Western  Sister,  Head  of  Lake  Erie," 

Sept.  10,  1813,  4  p.  m. 
"Sir — It  has  pleased  the  Almighty  to  give 
to  the  arms  of  the  United  States  a  signal  vie- 


164        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


tory  over  their  enemies  on  this  lake.  The  Brit- 
ish squadron,  consisting  of  two  ships,  two  brigs, 
one  schooner  and  one  sloop,  have  this  moment 
surrendered  to  the  force  under  my  command 
after  a  sharp  conflict. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  very  respectfully, 
your  obedient  servant, 

''0.  H.  Perry." 

It  had  been  a  hard,  fierce  fight,  with  equal 
honor  to  both.  Vessels  of  both  squadrons  had 
been  shattered,  especially  the  flagships.  There 
had  been  68  persons  killed  and  190  wounded 
in  the  three  hours  of  the  engagement.  Of  these 
the  Americans  lost  123,  27  of  whom  were 
killed;  and  the  British  135,  41  being  killed. 
Next  to  the  Lawrence,  the  Niagara  sustained 
the  greatest  loss,  most  of  which  occurred  in 
those  final  few  minutes.  While  she  had  but 
2  men  killed,  there  were  25  wounded.  The 
losses  of  the  other  ships  were  inconsiderable 
on  the  American  side.  For  the  British  the 
Detroit  was  the  greatest  sufferer.  Commodore 
Barclay,  who  had  lost  an  arm  at  Trafalgar, 
w^as  first  wounded  in  the  hip,  but  gallantly  re- 
mained upon  the  deck.  Later  a  shot  crushed 
the  blade  of  his  right  shoulder,  depriving  him 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  165 


of  his  remaining  arm.  His  wounds  were  for 
some  days  considered  mortal.  Captain  Finnis, 
of  the  Queen  Charlotte,  the  second  in  command 
of  the  squadron,  was  mortally  wounded  and 
died  that  night. 

Following  the  sending  of  his  dispatches,  the 
American  Commodore  started  for  the  melan- 
choly wreck  of  the  Lawrence,  having  deter- 
mined to  receive  the  formal  surrender  from  the 
brave  foemen  upon  her  deck.  As  he  stepped 
upon  it,  greeting  his  friend.  Purser  Hamble- 
ton,  he  said,  "The  prayers  of  my  wife  have 
prevailed  in  saving  me."^  Dr.  Parsons  says, 
"It  was  a  time  of  conflicting  emotions  when 
he  stepped  upon  deck.  The  battle  was  won 
and  he  was  safe,  but  the  deck  was  slippery 
with  blood  and  strewn  with  the  bodies  of 
twenty  officers  and  men,  seven  of  whom  had  sat 
at  table  with  us  at  our  last  meal,  and  the  ship 
resounded  everywhere  with  the  groans  of  the 
wounded.  Those  of  us  who  were  spared  and 
able  to  walk  met  him  at  the  gangway  to  wel- 
come him  on  board,  but  the  salutation  was  a 

*She  was  originally  Miss  Elizabeth  Mason,  daughter  of 
Dr.  Mason,  of  Newport,  to  whom  the  Commodore  was 
married  in  1810.  She  survived  him.  Three  sons  and  a 
daughter  were  born  to  them. 


166        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


silent  one  on  both  sides ;  not  a  word  could  find 
utterance." 

Then,  standing  upon  the  crimsoned  deck, 
Perry  received  the  British  officers,  one  from 
each  of  the  captured  vessels.  One  by  one  these 
saddened  visitors  presented  their  swords;  one 
by  one  the  conqueror  gently  refused  them. 
With  deep  concern  he  made  inquiry  for  their 
wounded  commander  and  their  mates,  and  they 
retired  feeling  to  the  full  the  strange  duality 
of  the  rarely  great  nature,  the  heart  that  is 
at  once  savagely  leonine  and  deep  in  exhaust- 
less  wells  of  human  sympathies.  When  they 
had  gone,  at  last  overcome  with  the  fatigue 
that  numbed  his  fever-wasted  body,  the  Com- 
modore stretched  himself  upon  the  deck,  in  the 
midst  of  that  grim,  guarding  cordon  of  the 
dead,  and  slept  for  hours  as  deep  as  they. 

With  the  coming  of  the  twilight  of  that  day, 
the  dead  seamen  of  the  two  squadrons,  wrapped 
in  rude  shrouds  and  weighted  with  a  cannon 
ball  at  the  feet  of  each,  were,  after  the  reading 
of  the  simple,  sublime  burial  service  of  the 
Anglican  Church,  lowered  over  the  ship's  sides 
to  graves  in  the  deep.  At  nine  the  next  night, 
the  squadrons,  victor  and  vanquished,  weighed 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  167 


anchor  and  sailed  tranquilly  into  Put-in  Bay 
Harbor.  The  interval  had  been  occupied  in  se- 
curing the  prisoners,  repairing  the  ships  and 
rigging  temporarily,  and  in  other  necessary 
work.  The  Lawrence  could  make  but  sluggish 
sail,  and,  as  for  the  Detroit  and  Queen  Char- 
lotte, they  were  shattered  from  bow  to  stern. 
It  was  impossible  to  place  one's  hand  hardly 
anywhere  on  their  port  sides  without  touch- 
ing the  impression  of  a  shot.  Many  balls, 
canister  and  grape  were  found  lodged  in  their 
bulwarks,  which  were  too  thick  to  be  penetrated 
by  the  American  carronades,  unless  within 
pistol-shot  distance.  Their  masts  were  so 
shattered  that  they  fell  overboard  in  a  storm 
after  the  squadrons  got  into  the  bay. 

Two  days  after  the  battle  three  American  and 
three  British  officers  were  buried  on  the  margin 
of  South  Bass  Island,  with  the  same  solemn 
ceremonies  and  rites,  in  the  presence  of  their 
respective  countrymen.  The  spot  selected,  wild 
and  solitary,  with  the  picturesque  beauty  that 
can  only  belong  to  such  a  one  as  untrammeled 
nature  holds  in  fee,  was  such  as  to  deepen  the 
impressions  of  those  witnessing  the  scene  in  such 
force  as  to  render  them  enduring  for  a  lifetime- 


168        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


The  heroes  thus  interred  were  Lieutenant 
Brooks  and  Midshipmen  Lunt  and  Clarke,  of 
the  American  service;  and  Captain  Finnis  and 
Lieutenants  Stokoe  and  Garland,  of  the  Brit- 
ish flotilla. 

Perry,  who  was  frankly  sensible  of  the  gal- 
lantry shown  by  his  British  rival,  was  quick 
to  visit  Barclay  after  the  termination  of  the 
engagement.  He  caused  every  attention  to  be 
paid  him.  When  the  American  Commodore 
sailed  for  Buffalo,  Barclay  was  sufficiently  re- 
covered to  accompany  him.  The  fleet  touched 
at  Erie,  whose  citizens  witnessed  the  spectacle 
of  Perry  and  Harrison,  leading  the  wounded 
Englishman,  still  unable  to  walk  without  as- 
sistance, to  their  lodgings.  And  no  higher 
eulogy  has  been  paid  to  Perry  than  that  con- 
tained in  the  simple  words  of  Commodore 
Barclay,  himself  of  proved  merit  and  loved  by 
his  men,  which  were  spoken  at  a  public  dinner 
tendered  him  at  Terrebone,  in  Canada.  They 
were  employed  in  the  proposal  of  a  toast,  and 
were  these  :  "  To  Commodore  Perry,  the  gallant 
and  generous  enemy." 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  Com- 
modore Perry,  written  to  the  powers  while 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  169 


aboard  the  Ariel,  at  Put-in  Bay,  September  13, 
will  serve  to  show  his  attitude  toward  his 
wounded  enemy  : 

**I  also  beg  your  instructions  respecting  the 
wounded.  I  am  satisfied  that  whatever  steps 
I  might  take,  governed  by  humanity,  would 
meet  your  approbation.  Under  this  impression 
I  have  taken  upon  myself  to  promise  Captain 
Barclay,  who  is  very  dangerously  wounded, 
that  he  shall  be  landed  as  near  Lake  Ontario 
as  possible,  and  I  had  no  doubt  you  would 
allow  me  to  parole  him." 

On  the  13th,  also,  Perry  sent  his  letter  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  giving  the  particu- 
lars of  the  action  Avhicli  resulted  to  the  credit 
of  his  country  and  himself.  It  was  in  this  letter 
that  the  following  passage  occvirred — a  passage 
that  later  caused  so  much  controversy  over 
the  true  facts  of  the  case,  and  that  the  major- 
ity have  always  believed  to  have  owed  its  in- 
troduction to  Perry's  native  generosity  : 

"At  half-past  two,  the  wind  springing  up. 
Captain  Elliott  was  enabled  to  bring  his  vessel, 
the  Niagara,  gallantly  into  close  action;  I  im- 
mediately went  on  board  of  her,  when  he  an- 
ticipated my  wish  by  volunteering  to  bring  the 


\ 


170        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


schooners,  which  had  been  kept  astern  by  the 
lightness  of  the  wind,  into  close  action." 

Perry  wrote  the  above  letters  while  a  furious 
gale  was  sweeping  the  lake  from  the  southwest- 
He  was  preparing  for  the  transportation  of 
Harrison's  army  to  Canada.  He  had  made  the 
Niagara  his  flagship,  placing  all  the  wounded 
Americans  on  board  the  Lawrence  and  the 
wounded  British  on  board  the  Detroit  and 
Queen  Charlotte.  The  Niagara  and  lighter 
vessels  of  both  squadrons  were  to  serve  as 
transports.  It  was  this  storm  that  brought 
down  the  masts  of  the  disabled  British  vessels. 

In  concluding  this  chapter,  no  words  can 
more  fittingly  be  employed  than  those  oft- 
quoted,  prophetic  ones  in  Washington  Irving's 
biographical  sketch  of  Perry,  issued  shortly 
after  the  battle.  "In  future  times,"  he  writes, 
"when  the  shores  of  Erie  shall  hum  with  busy 
population,  when  towns  and  cities  shall  brighten 
where  now  extend  the  dark  and  tangled  forests ; 
when  ports  shall  spread  their  arms,  and  lofty 
barks  shall  ride  where  now  the  canoe  is  fastened 
to  the  stake;  when  the  present  age  shall  have 
grown  into  venerable  antiquity,  and  the  mists 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE  171 


of  fable  begin  to  gather  round  its  history,  then 
will  the  inhabitants  look  back  to  this  battle 
we  record  as  one  of  the  romantic  achievements 
of  the  days  of  yore.  It  will  stand  first  on  the 
page  of  their  local  legends  and  in  the  marvel- 
ous tales  of  the  borders." 


/ 


CHAPTER  VII 


CONTROVERSIES 

IT  was  a  natural  sequence,  when  the  issue 
of  Erie  had  been  decided,  that  there 
should  arise  interminable  discussions  by 
the  partisans  of  each  side  concerning  the  rela- 
tive strength  and  weakness  of  the  opposing 
squadrons.  The  conquerors  had  a  victory  to 
glorify;  the  beaten  a  defeat  to  explain.  The 
years  immediately  following  the  battle  were 
filled  with  exhaustive  presentments  of  both 
sides  of  the  shield.  The  natural  tendency  on 
the  part  of  both,  generally  considered,  was  to 
exaggerate  the  advantages  possessed  by  the 
opponent  and  to  accentuate  the  disadvantages 
under  which  one's  own  side  labored.  It  was 
too  early  for  an  interested  party,  unless  he 
possessed  exceptional  breadth  and  an  ideal 
judicial  temperament,  to  strike  a  just  balance. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  much  that  was  written 
on  both  sides  at  the  time,  through  the  hot 
spur  of  defiant  patriotism,  was  nothing  short 


CONTROVERSIES  173 


of  absurd.  But  the  years  have  their  winding 
sheets  ever  in  readiness  for  the  trivial  and 
petty,  and  it  is  only  the  things  worth  while 
that  can  successfully  defy  the  withering  breath 
of  time.  To-day,  the  little  contributory  inci- 
dents are  forgotten  in  the  grand  ensemble  of 
a  great  fight  well  fought;  of  the  crews  of 
warring  ships  that  vied  with  each  other  in 
gallantry;  of  a  surrender  with  honor  to  an 
intrepid  foe;  of  great  guns,  a  few  hours  pre- 
viously, in  deadly,  roaring  rivalry,  booming 
solemn  salutes  in  grim  accordance  while  Ameri- 
can and  Briton  buried  their  dead;  of  the  sub- 
sequent mutual  esteem  of  brave  commanders,  a 
friendship  that  endured.  In  the  contemplation 
of  these,  the  salient  features  of  the  battle,  there 
may  well  creep  away  the  last  gibing  ghosts  of 
rancor  and  bitterness  engendered  by  war,  that 
monster  to  be  blotted  out  in  the  millenium  of 
God! 

A  volume  might  readily  be  filled  with  a  re- 
hearsal of  the  points  emphasized  in  the  various 
arguments  by  writers  of  both  nations,  that 
followed  the  event  of  Erie;  but  space  forbids, 
and  indeed  there  is  no  need  of  an  exhaustive 
resume  of  the  matter  here.    Something  of  men- 


174        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


tion,  however,  may  assist  the  reader  in  a  gen- 
eral understanding  of  conditions,  which  is  the 
sole  excuse  offered  for  the  disturbance  of  certain 
of  history's  dry  bones. 

In  the  beginning,  then,  the  Americans  had 
nine  vessels  engaged  in  the  action  and  the 
British  six.  In  close  action,  however,  which 
Perry  had  ordered,  the  contest  was  more  nearly 
equal  as  to  numbers  than  this  statement  would 
indicate,  as  the  Somers,  Porcupine  and  Tigress, 
gunboats,  lagged  far  astern  till  near  the  close 
of  the  battle.  Indeed,  one  authority*  states 
that  the  Porcupine  and  Tigress  "were  unable 
to  get  into  action."  Moreover,  the  Niagara 
failed  to  come  to  close  quarters,  as  ordered, 
till  Perry  had  transferred  his  flag  to  her  from 
the  Lawrence,  and  Elliott  had  gone  to  bring 
up  the  lagging  gunboats.  As  for  the  British, 
they  had  suffered  seriously  before  Perry  trans- 
ferred his  flag  to  the  Niagara  through  an  ac- 
cident to  the  rudder  of  the  schooner  Lady 
Prevost,  13  guns,  which  had  caused  her  to 
drop  out  of  Barclay's  line  and  far  astern.  Then, 
too,  the  fouling  of  the  Detroit  and  Queen  Char- 
lotte, following  the  Niagara's  dash  through 

*Burge8'  Perry  and  Elliott.   Diagram  No.  3. 


CONTROVERSIES  175 


the  line,  contributed  largely  to  the  success  of 
that  attack,  backed  as  it  was  by  most  of 
Perry's  other  vessels. 

As  for  armament,  it  is  estimated  that  the 
American  squadron  threw  in  the  battle  896 
pounds  of  metal  from  54  guns,  the  long  guns 
throwing  288  pounds.  The  British  squadron, 
while  it  had  more  guns,  could  not  throw  as 
much  metal.  Barclay's  squadron  could  throw 
459  pounds  of  metal  at  a  broadside  from  63 
guns,  195  pounds  being  from  long  guns.  '*The 
smart  Yankees,"  writes  Roosevelt,  "although 
Erie  was  in  days' travel  much  further  from  a  base 
of  supplies  than  the  British  were,  had  created  a 
fleet  under  the  eyes  of  the  British,  whose  supe- 
riority in  long-gun  metal  was  as  three  to  two, 
and  in  carronade-metal  greater  than  two  to 
one."  In  commenting  upon  this,  however. 
Spears  says,  '*but  it  must  be  observed  by 
every  sailorman  that  this  preponderance  in 
weight  of  metal  thrown  was  to  a  great  extent 
nullified  by  the  distribution  of  the  American 
heavy  long  guns  among  the  little  merchant 
schooners  which  Perry  had  been  forced  to  adopt. 
For  the  small  vessels  formed  very  unstable  plat- 
forms, and  a  discharge  from  the  big  guns  set 


176        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


them  rolling  in  a  way  to  destroy  accurate 
marksmanship.  The  British  had  nothing  larger 
than  a  long  12  on  their  little  vessels,  and  therein 
was  wisdom.'* 

Burges  gives  the  following  table,  showing 
relative  opposing  armaments  : 

AMERICAN  SQUADRON.        BRITISH  SQUADRON. 
Schooner  Scorpion,  2  guns,   Sloop  Little  Belt,  3  guns. 

32-pounder8.  Ship  Detroit,  19  guns. 

Schooner  Ariel,  4  guns,  18's   Brig  Hunter,  10  guns. 

and  24's.  Ship  Queen  Charlotte,  17 

Brig  Lawrence   20  guns,  2  guns. 

long  12's  and  18  24's.  Schooner  Lady  Prevost,  13 

Caledonia,  3  guns,  24  and  32-  guns. 

pounders.  Schooner  Chippewa,  one  gun 

Niagara,  brig,   same  arma-      and  two  swivels. 

ment  as  Lawrence. 
Schooner  Somers,  2  32-pound- 

ers. 

Schooner  Porcupine,   1  32- 

pounder. 
Tigress,  1  32-pounder. 
Trippe,  sloop,  one  32. 

William  James,  in  his  "History  of  the  Naval 
Actions  of  the  War  of  1812,"  published  at 
Halifax,  N.  S.,  in  1816,  gives  the  following 
particulars  regarding  the  British  armaments 
The  Detroit,  says  he,  mounted  two  24's,  one 
18,  six  12's  and  eight  9's,  long  guns,  and  one 
24  and  one  18-pounder  carronade.  The  Queen 
Charlotte  mounted  three  long  12's  and  14 
24-pounder   carronades.    The   Lady  Prevost 


CONTROVERSIES  177 


mounted  three  long  9's  and  10  12-pounaer  ear- 
ronades,  one  long  9  considered  as  shifting. 
The  Hunter  mounted  two  6's,  four  4's,  two 
2's,  long  guns,  and  two  12-pounder  carron- 
ades.  The  two  smaller  vessels  were  equipped  as 
stated  above.  The  lately  launched  Detroit,  Mr. 
James  informs  us,  being  destitute  of  armament, 
"it  became  necessary  to  strip  a  neighboring 
fort  of  its  guns.  Remoteness  of  situation  and 
difficulties  of  carriage,"  he  continues,  "almost 
insuperable,  now  that  the  Americans  had  got 
the  ascendancy  on  the  lake,  may  afford  some 
pretext  for  the  half -equipped,  deplorably  manned 
state  of  the  British  squadron.  But  had  not 
thirteen  months  elapsed  since  ministers  were 
in  possession  of  the  American  declaration  of 
war?" 

In  the  consideration  of  the  vexed  question 
regarding  the  superiority  in  force,  as  far  as  the 
personnel  of  the  crews  was  concerned,  it  would 
seem  wise  to  consult  authorities  of  the  time 
involved,  since  they  must  have  enjoyed  excellent 
^  opportunities  for  the  securing  of  their  materials 
at  first  hand.  Niles'  "Life  of  Perry,"  published 
in  1821,  and  James'  "Naval  Actions,"  referred 
to  above  and  issued   in   1816,   contain  full 

I  2 


178        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


information  on  this  point  from  differing  stand- 
points. 

James  states  that  the  command  of  the  British 
squadron  on  Erie  had  been  refused  by  Captain 
Mulcaster,  "  on  account  of  the  exceedingly  bad 
equipment  of  the  vessels."  Captain  Barclay 
was  then  appointed,  continues  the  account 
(though  it  is  difficult  to  see  from  his  pre- 
vious record  and  the  masterly  conduct  of  his 
defense  on  that  memorable  10th  of  September 
that  this  was  anything  of  a  retrogressive  step), 
'*and  with  a  lieutenant,  surgeon  and  nineteen 
rejected  seamen  of  the  Ontario  squadron,  he 
joined  his  command  in  June,  1813."  Subse- 
quently, says  James,  fifty-three  seamen  of  the 
Dover  troop-ship  were  sent  to  him,  but  then  he 
had  not  more  than  150  British  seamen  dis- 
tributed among  his  six  vessels,  "the  rest  of 
the  men  being  Canadians  and  soldiers."  Here 
again  the  average  American  w^ll  be  conscious  of 
a  feeling  of  irritation,  caused  by  the  proneness  of 
the  British  at  that  time  to  explain  defeats,  by 
inference  at  least,  by  the  recorded  fact  that 
they  had  to  depend  upon  Canadians."  Since 
the  arms  of  Canada  have  been  at  the  disposal 
of  Britain  from  the  first,   coupled  with  un- 


CONTROVERSIES  179 


swerving  loyalty,  this  disposition  seems  de- 
cidedly ungracious,  though  to  be  sure  it  does 
not  obtain  as  much  as  formerly.  As  for  the 
soldiers,  the  ill-fated  Lawrence  at  least  was 
close  enough  throughout  the  action  of  Erie 
to  suffer  severely  from  a  musketry  fire  as  well 
as  from  the  more  formidable  sweep  of  broad- 
sides. 

A  significant  fact,  when  considered  in  con- 
nection with  the  claims  of  Elliott  made  after 
the  battle,  is  recorded  in  James'  work.  He 
states  that  the  Lawrence,  with  her  two  smaller 
companions,  came  to  close  action  with  the 
Detroit,  and  that  the  Niagara,  supported 
also  by  two  schooners,  engaged  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  keeping  so  far  to  windward  as  to 
render  the  latter's  24-pounder  carronades  en- 
tirely useless."  Yet  some  of  Elliott's  officers 
claimed  afterward  that  the  Niagara  was  in 
close  conflict  throughout  the  battle.  James 
says  further  that  Perry  left  the  Lawrence  just 
before  she  struck  and  proceeded  on  board  the 
Niagara,  "then  perfectly  fresh  from  having 
remained  so  far  to  windward.  The  Detroit 
was  now  a  perfect  wreck,  principally  from  the 
fire  of  the  long  32's  and  24's  on  board  the 


180        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


schooners,  and  in  attempting  to  wear  she  fell 
on  board  the  Queen  Charlotte.  The  Lady 
Prevost,  armed  with  12-pounder  carronades, 
was  far  to  the  leeward,  with  her  rudder  injured." 
He  states  that  the  other  three  vessels,  owing 
to  their  size  and  armament,  "are  scarcely 
worth  noticing." 

Captain  Barclay  personally  reported  that 
"the  weather-gage  gave  the  enemy  a  prodig- 
ious advantage,  as  it  enabled  them  not  only 
to  choose  their  position,  but  their  distance 
also,  which  they  did  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prevent  the  carronades  of  the  Queen  Charlotte 
and  Lady  Prevost  from  having  much  effect, 
while  their  long  guns  did  great  execution, 
particularly  against  the  Queen  Charlotte." 

The  Detroit  and  Hunter,  pursues  James,  had 
four  different  calibers  of  guns,  all  on  one  deck, 
and  they  were  manned  by  Canadians  and  sol- 
diers "  wholly  unacquainted  with  such  service." 
Still,  these  guns  did  execution,  as  the  Lawrence 
abundantly  testified.  The  squadron  had  the 
misfortune  to  lose  most  of  its  principal  officers 
and  their  seconds  early  in  the  action,  still,  as 
this  historian  records,  the  seamen  and  troops 
behaved  with  calmness  and  courage,  emulating 


CONTROVERSIES  181 


the  example  of  the  few  survivors  of  the  Law- 
rence, the  greatest  sufferer  of  the  battle. 

Later  on  he  says  :  "  The  British  fleet,  consist- 
ing partly  of  ships,  and  the  American  of  only 
brigs  and  schooners,  may  give  rise  to  an  opin- 
ion that  the  former  were  superior  in  size.  So 
far  from  it,  the  Lawrence  and  Niagara  were 
each  40  tons  larger  than  the  Detroit,  the  larg- 
est vessel  in  our  fleet.  Of  what  size  American 
schooners,  or  even  gunboats,  frequently  are,  will 
appear  from  a  reference  to  the  table  of  dimen- 
sions. This  being  an  action  between  more  than 
two  vessels,  the  united  tonnage  on  each  side 
is,  however,  of  little  consequence.  Nor  does 
the  relative  numerical  force  in  men  afford  a 
true  estimate  in  force,  as  the  bulk  of  the  British 
crews  consisted  of  persons  totally  unacquainted 
with  such  service.  In  both  long  guns  and 
carronades  the  Americans  had  a  decided  ad- 
vantage in  the  superiority  of  individual  caliber, 
supposing  even  the  gross  weight  of  metal  on 
each  side  to  have  been  the  same.  But  instead 
of  that,  an  excess  actually  appears  on  the 
American  side  of  two  to  one." 

At  close  quarters  the  preponderance  accent- 
uated by  James  would  have  told,  and  did  tell 


182        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


in  the  closing  moments  of  the  battle.  But  it 
must  be  recollected  that  Elliott,  on  the  Ni- 
agara, failed  to  obey  Perry's  order  to  close, 
and  until  shortly  before  the  Commodore  boarded 
her  she  was  far  to  windward  and  working  but 
two  guns.  Also,  the  smaller  vessels  that  had 
failed  to  come  close  enough  for  effective  work 
must  not  be  forgotten. 

James  has  this  further  to  say  in  regard  to 
armament:  "In  transmitting  a  'statement  of 
the  relative  force  of  the  contending  fleets,'  the 
American  Commodore  is  quite  satisfied  with 
emunerating  the  guns  on  each  side.  It  was 
palpably  evident  that  sixty-three  was  a  higher 
number  than  fifty-four,  and  the  American  com- 
mander had  no  doubt  fully  ascertained,  by  his 
skill  in  figures,  that  he  should  obtain  a  much 
less  favorable  result  were  he  to  particularize 
the  caliber.  Suppose  a  British  vessel,  armed 
with  ten  guns,  2-pounders,  had  been  captured 
by  an  American  vessel,  armed,  like  the  Scorpion, 
with  two  guns  on  pivots,  and  those  a  long  32 
and  24-pounder.  According  to  Commodore 
Perry's  mode  of  estimating  force  the  former 
would  be  superior  to  the  latter  as  five  to  one, 
when  in  reality  the  superiority  of  force  would  be 


CONTROVERSIES  183 


on  the  opposite  side  in  the  same  proportion." 
This  is  a  good  argument,  but  it  certainly  does 
not  apply  wholly  until  near  the  end  of  the  bat- 
tle, because  of  the  failure  of  some  of  Perry's 
ships  to  come  within  favorable  striking  distance 
until  after  he  had  shifted  to  the  Niagara.  Then, 
too,  it  will  be  remembered  that  their  bulwarks 
rendered  many  shots  directed  against  certain 
of  the  British  ships  abortive. 

James  states  that  on  September  9,  when 
lying  at  Amherst  burg.  Captain  Barclay  was 
anxiously  waiting  the  arrival  of  a  promised 
supply  of  seamen.  So  perfectly  destitute  of 
provisions  was  the  post  that  there  was  not  a 
day's  flour  in  store  and  the  crews  were  then 
on  half-allowance  of  a  great  many  things.  Im- 
pelled by  dread  of  famine,  "the  fleet  sailed  out, 
to  risk  a  battle  with  the  American  squadron, 
then  cruising  off  the  port." 

To  turn  to  the  presentment  of  facts  from  an 
American  standpoint  it  is  first  necessary  only 
to  remind  the  reader  of  the  difficulties  met  by 
Perry  in  the  securing  of  men,  munitions  and 
supplies  that  are  recorded  in  the  foregoing 
portion  of  this  work.  If  sloth  dwelt  in  Britain's 
places  of  authority,  so  dwelt  it  also  in  Wash- 


184        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


ington;  if  Barclay  had  reason  to  be  discouraged 
oftentimes,  so  also  frequently  had  Perry;  if 
Barclay  found  that  if  things  were  to  be  done 
he  himself  must  do  them,  so  also  did  Perry. 
We  have  read  how  Perry,  with  but  barely 
enough  men  to  man  a  single  brig,  importuned 
the  powers  at  Washington,  and  in  reply  received 
sharp  complaints  because  "he  did  not  co- 
operate with  Harrison  upon  Canada."  We 
have  read  also  of  the  appeals  made  to  his 
superior,  Chauncey,  on  Ontario,  and  the  atten- 
uated results  thereof;  the  chief  commander 
reserving  the  most  and  the  pick  of  his  chafing 
flock  at  Sackets  Harbor  to  play  tag  with  the 
equally  futile  Yeo,  across  at  Kingston.  If 
Perry's  fleet  was  larger  than  his  enemy's,  part 
of  it  came  with  vigorous  swiftness  from  the 
lusty  hewing  of  the  forest.  If  his  armament 
was  more  formidable,  it  was  the  result  of  his 
urgent  and  eternal  pounding,  and  part  of  it  had 
to  be  hoisted  aboard  of  converted  merchant- 
men, slow  and  unsatisfactory. 

As  for  the  force  engaged,  Niles  states  that 
the  British  complement  of  men  exceeded  Perry's 
by  nearly  a  hundred,  and  that  a  greater  portion 
of  them  were  experienced  seamen  and  sailors. 


CONTROVERSIES  185 

"The  American  fleet,"  he  continues,  "was 
built,  equipped  and  manned  in  about  three 
months,  and  consequently  the  crews  of  the 
vessels  hastily  collected.  They  were  a  mixed, 
and  apparently  an  incongruous  set  of  beings, 
comprising  Americans  from  every  part  of  the 
Union,  Europeans  and  blacks.  They  had  not 
been  together  long  enough  to  become  acquainted 
with  each  other  or  with  the  service.  When  the 
fleet  first  got  over  the  bar  at  Erie,  there  were 
not  more  than  half  sailors  enough  to  man 
it,  and  it  could  not  have  sailed  had  not  a 
number  of  Pennsylvania  militia  volunteered 
their  services.  Although  such  was  the  character 
and  condition  of  the  sailors,  the  marines  were 
still  less  qualified  for  their  situation,  so  far  as 
that  depends  upon  experience  and  discipline, 
most  of  them  having  never  before  seen  a  square- 
rigged  vessel.  Nearly  all  of  them  were  vol- 
unteers from  the  Pennsylvania  militia  on  ser- 
vice at  Erie,  commanded  by  Colonel  Rees  Hill; 
and  Kentuckians,  of  which  about  seventy  en- 
tered as  volunteers  on  board  the  fleet  at  San- 
dusky. Such  were  the  men  who  ....  in 
the  first  action  of  the  kind  which  occurred 
between  the  two  nations  (meaning  a  battle  by 


186        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


squadrons),  broke  the  charm  of  British  invin- 
cibility. ^^llat  they  wanted  in  experience  they 
made  up  in  bravery.  Yet,  brave  as  they  were, 
it  required,  under  the  disadvantageous  circum- 
stances attending  them,  the  cool  intrepidity, 
the  consummate  skill,  and  the  exalted  genius  of 
Perry  to  lead  them  to  victory  and  glory." 

Niles'  opinion  of  advantages  enjoyed  is  radi- 
cally different  from  that  of  James.  The  former 
says:  "Not  only  did  the  enemy  have  the  ad- 
vantage as  to  the  number  and  condition  of  the 
men  by  whom  their  fleet  was  manned,  but  like- 
wise as  to  the  fleet  itself.  As  appears  by  the 
statement,  they  had  the  greatest  number  of 
guns,  and  they  also  had  an  advantage  from 
their  being  of  greater  length.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  action,  the  wind  was  in 
favor  of  the  enemy,  enabling  them  to  choose 
their  own  position,  which,  from  the  great  length 
of  their  guns,  gave  them  great  advantage." 

In  this  matter,  too,  the  ravages  of  the  fever, 
from  which  Perry  himself  suffered,  should  not 
be  forgotten.  Shortly  before  the  battle  the 
fleet  surgeon.  Dr.  P.  Usher  Parsons,  was  him- 
self so  ill  that  he  had  to  be  carried  around  on 
a  cot  to  visit  the  sick,  of  which  there  were 


CONTROVERSIES  187 


then  nearly  a  hundred  prostrated.  Many,  how- 
ever, recovered  sufficiently  to  participate  in 
that  engagement.  The  excitement  proved  a 
veritable  tonic. 

As  for  the  size  of  the  ships  engaged,  it  is 
stated  that  the  big  new  brigs  of  the  Americans 
were  110  feet  long  and  29  feet  wide.  They 
could  have  carried  as  merchantmen  300  tons. 
The  schooners  could  not  have  carried  more 
than  from  60  to  80  tons  of  cargo  and  the  sloop 
was  the  smallest  of  all.  The  big  brigs  were 
armed  as  salt-sea  brigs  are — with  two  long 
12's  and  18  short  32's;  and  the  rest  were 
armed  with  a  heavy  gun  each.  On  the  day 
of  battle,  according  to  the  roll  that  drew 
prize-money,  the  force  of  men  and  boys  con- 
nected with  the  fleet  was  532.  Of  these  416 
(the  highest  estimate),  were  on  deck  ready  for 
the  battle,  and  16  more  (according  to  Lossing), 
sick  in  their  beds,  left,  them  and  went  to  quar- 
ters; 432  men  in  all,  of  whom  one-fourth  were 
regular  naval  seamen,  one-fourth  raw  militia, 
and  one-fourth  lake  sailors.  The  short  supply 
of  principal  officers  may  be  gathered  from  the 
fact  that  midshipmen  were  in  command  of 
some  of  the  smaller  vessels. 


188        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


In  closing  the  remarks  upon  the  merits  of 
the  forces,  it  is  quite  evident  that  neither  Perry 
nor  Barclay  enjoyed  the  resources  extended  the 
Commodores  who  carried  on  the  bootless  war- 
fare on  Ontario  throughout  the  war.  Sackets 
Harbor  and  Kingston  were  principal  depots 
for  their  respective  Governments.  The  import- 
ant operations  were  mutually  expected  to  occur 
upon  Ontario,  and  British  and  American  energies 
were  mainly  directed  toward  elaborate  prepara- 
tions for  the  series  of  races  sailed  upon  those 
waters  during  the  war.  Perry  and  Barclay 
labored  against  odds  in  preparing  for  the 
deciding  of  the  issue,  an  issue  unfalteringly 
met  by  them,  while  Chauncey  and  Yeo  were 
busy  dodging  a  similar  one  on  the  wide  water 
to  the  east.  In  discussing  the  result  of  the 
battle,  Lossing  says  : 

"Justice  to  all  demands  the  acknowledgment 
that  the  Americans  and  British  carried  on  that 
terrible  conflict  with  the  greatest  courage,  for- 
titude and  skill.  It  is  also  just  to  say  that  the 
British  experienced  what  is  termed  *ill-luck'  from 
the  beginning.  First,  the  wind  suddenly  turned 
in  favor  of  the  Americans  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action,  giving  them  the  weather- 


CONTROVERSIES  189 


gage;  then  the  two  principal  British  com- 
manders were  struck  down  early  in  the  action; 
then  the  rudder  of  the  Lady  Prevost  was 
disabled,  which  caused  her  to  drift  out  of 
the  line;  the  entanglement  of  the  Detroit  and 
Queen  Charlotte  gave  the  Niagara,  under  Perry, 
an  opportunity  to  rake  them  severely;  and 
lastly,  the  men  of  the  British  squadron  had 
not,  with  the  exception  of  those  from  the  Royal 
Navy,  received  the  training  with  guns  that 
most  of  the  Americans  had  just  experienced, 
for  they  came  out  of  port  the  morning  of  the 
battle." 

Hon.  Tristram  Burges,  in  his  Battle  of  Lake 
Erie,"  has  the  following  to  say  regarding 
Perry's  original  force  at  Erie  :  "  Commodore 
Perry  arrived  at  Erie,  March  26,  1813.  He 
carried  with  him  from  Newport  149  men  and 
three  boys,  all  of  whom  were  volunteers.  Some 
were  commissioned  officers,  some  warrant 
officers,  some  artificers,  some  seamen  and  some 
ordinary  seamen.  About  one-third  of  the  petty 
officers  and  men  remained  at  Sackets  Harbor, 
for  service  on  Lake  Ontario.  This  was  done 
by  the  order  of  Commodore  Chauncey,  the  com- 
mander on  that  lake.    It  greatly  retarded  the 


190        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


operations  of  Perry  on  Lake  Erie  and  was 
doubtless  intended  by  Chauncey  to  have  that 
effect.  They  had  left  Newport  February  19, 
with  Perry,  and  had  volunteered  from  pure 
personal  attachment  to  him."  These  hardy 
Rhode  Islanders,  with  a  few  more  shipwrights^ 
smiths,  caulkers,  riggers  and  sailmakers,  built 
from  the  stump  six  vessels — the  Lawrence^ 
Niagara,  Ariel,  Scorpion,  Porcupine,  and  Tigress 
— which  were  launched,  rigged  and  ready  to  sail 
in  about  ninety  days  after  the  first  blow  was 
struck.  Burges  continues  to  narrate  how,  at 
the  pressing  request  of  Perry,  Commodore 
Chauncey  sent  him  100  men  up  from  Ontario 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Elliott.  He 
took  the  command  of  the  Niagara,  previously 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Turner,  of  Newport. 
The  100  men  had  seen  considerable  service  and 
were  able-bodied.  Most  of  them  went  aboard 
the  Niagara  with  Elliott.  The  gallantry  of 
that  crew  was  at  no  subsequent  time  impugned, 
and  in  point  of  service  its  members  were  supe- 
rior to  the  force  on  the  Lawrence.  This  was 
remarked  by  Lieutenant  Turner  to  Commodore 
Perry  when  Elliott  was  calling  the  men  who 
came  with  him  to  their  several  stations,  but 


CONTROVERSIES  191 


because  Elliott  had  brought  them  with  him 
Perry  declined  to  alter  the  arrangement. 

The  circumstances  that  led  to  the  publica- 
tion in  1839  of  Burges'  work,  which  has  for 
its  subtitle,  "Notices  of  Commodore  Elliott's 
Conduct  in  that  Engagement"  (Erie),  is  ex- 
plained by  the  author  as  follows:  "After  a 
lapse  of  more  than  twenty-two  years  from  the 
day  of  that  memorable  battle,  and  fourteen 
years  after  Commodore  Perry  has  been  laid 
in  his  grave;  while,  during  all  this  time, 
America  and  Europe  have  with  one  voice 
awarded  to  him  the  honor  of  this  triumphant 
victory.  Captain  Elliott  has  very  lately  claimed 
that  honor  for  himself.  In  the  summer  of  1836 
a  book  ....  was  published  entitled  'Bio- 
graphical Notes  of  Commodore  Jesse  D.  El- 
liott.' ....  It  contains  a  great  number  of 
letters  addressed  to  Commodore  Elliott  and 
which  could  be  controlled  by  no  one  but  him- 
self.   The  book  must  therefore  be  regarded  as 

autobiography.    Commodore  Perry  

says  in  his  first  dispatch  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  'It  has  pleased  the  Almighty  to  give 
the  arms  of  the  United  States  a  signal  victory 
over  their  enemies  on  this  lake.'  Commodore 


192        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Elliott,  who  that  day  commanded  the  Niagara, 
says  in  his  book,  'It  is  not  doing  too  much  to 
say  that  to  him  (Jesse  D.  Elliott),  the  country 
is  principally  indebted  for  the  honor  of  that 
splendid  victory.'  Later  he  repeats  that  *it  is 
proved  to  every  candid  reader's  satisfaction 
that  Captain  Elliott  was  chiefly  instrumental 
in  gaining  the  victory  on  Lake  Erie.'  These 
are  sweeping  claims;  they  should  be  examined 
with  candor  and  without  resentment." 

The  examination  which  the  Hon.  Tristram 
Burges  gave  these  claims  was  very  searching 
and  thorough.  Though  there  are  few  to-day 
who  remember  that  they  were  ever  seriously 
considered  worth  investigating,  a  brief  state- 
ment of  facts  connected  with  the  old  contro- 
versy may  be  of  some  interest  here. 

Burges  accentuates  the  fact  that  at  a  quarter 
before  noon  of  September  10,  Perry  gave  the 
signal  for  close  action,  and  then,  by  trumpet, 
sent  down  from  ship  to  ship,  along  the  whole 
line,  a  repetition  of  the  order,  "Engage  your 
adversary,  each  as  you  come  up,  as  before 
directed."  This  was  to  be  in  close  action  at 
half-cable's  length.  The  Niagara  was  to  engage 
the  Queen  Charlotte. 


CONTROVERSIES  193 

The  Niagara,  continues  Burges,  was  astern 
of  the  Lawrence  and  the  Caledonia  abeam  of 
the  Queen  Charlotte,  in  the  line  of  approach, 
when  the  action  commenced.  She  at  first  dis- 
charged her  first  division,  but  when  their  shot 
fell  short  of  the  Queen  Charlotte,  Captain 
Elliott  did  not  order  the  helm  put  up  to  run 
down  to  within  half-cable's  length  of  his  ad- 
versary, the  Queen  Charlotte,  but,  it  is  ad- 
mitted by  him  in  his  book,  that  he  directed 
his  lieutenant  to  cease  firing  with  the  carron- 
ades  and  fire  with  the  long  12's  only.  The 
Queen  Charlotte  had  20's  to  the  Niagara's 
24-pound  carronades,  but  no  long  guns;  and 
so,  as  she  could  neither  reach  the  Niagara 
with  her  carronades  nor  run  up  against  the 
wind  and  lay  her  alongside,  she  clapped  on  all 
sail  and  ran  to  the  aid  of  the  Detroit.  Elliott's 
book  styles  this  move  a  running  away  by  the 
Queen  Charlotte  from  the  Niagara,  but,  dryly 
adds  Burges,  Elliott  does  not  say  that  he 
made  sail  and  ran  down  after  her,  as  he  might, 
for  if  there  was  wind  enough  for  the  Queen 
Charlotte  to  run  away  there  was  wind  enough 
for  the  Niagara  to  run  after  her.  He  admits, 
instead,  that  he  threw  his  topsail  to  the  mast 
13 


\ 


194        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


and  brailed  up  his  jib  so  as  to  keep  his  posi- 
tion on  the  water  as  nearly  as  practicable. 
Burges  figures  from  the  subsequent  positions  of 
the  British  ships  that  the  Niagara  was  for 
some  time  firing  only  at  the  Chippewa,  of  one 
gun,  and  that  if  after  one  o'clock  the  Niagara 
fired  at  the  Detroit  or  Queen  Charlotte,  it  must 
have  been  across  the  Lawrence  and  the  Cale- 
donia. Elliott  observes  in  his  work  that  it 
was  evidently  the  plan  of  Barclay  to  disable 
the  heaviest  ships  first,  and  mentions  the  ter- 
rific fire  upon  the  Lawrence  in  support  of  his 
theory.  Which  passage  draws  the  following 
searching  inquiries  from  Burges  : 

''Why,  then,  in  the  name  of  bravery  and  fair 
companionship,  did  not  he  (Elliott)  with  the 
same  wind  and  enough  sail  and  as  much  speed 
bear  down  and  follow  her?  Why  did  he,  as  he 
admits  he  did,  fling  his  topsail  to  the  mast, 
furl  his  top-gallant  sails  and  brail  up  his  jib? 
Why  did  he,  for  two  hours  after  the  Queen 
Charlotte  left  him,  leave  the  Lawrence  exposed 
to  the  murderous  fire  of  44  guns,  supported 
only  by  nine  in  the  Caledonia,  Ariel  and  Scor- 
pion, while  he  had  20,  with  the  wind  whistling 
into  their  muzzles,  when  he  might  have  been 


CONTROVERSIES  195 


pouring  the  round,  grape  and  canister,  roar- 
ing out  of  them,  against  the  enemy  at  half- 
musket  shot?  There  is  no  evidence  that  a 
musket  or  more  than  one  division  of  one  broad- 
side of  the  carronades  was  fired  on  board  the 
Niagara,  or  that  this  was  more  than  once  dis- 
charged. It  does  not  satisfactorily  appear 
that  after  this  first  division  anything  was  fired 
during  the  whole  two  hours  and  a  half,  except 
the  two  long  12's,  or  until  Perry  boarded  her 
at  forty-five  minutes  after  two  p.  m." 

During  the  fiery  storm  that  burst  in  fury 
upon  the  doomed  Lawrence  there  was  a  general 
regret,  breathed  by  the  wounded  as  they  were 
carried  below ;  by  the  dying  as  they  lay  welter- 
ing upon  the  deck.  It  found  voice  in  despairing 
queries  addressed  to  the  commander  by  Yar- 
nell,  Taylor  and  Forrest.  It  was,  "Why,  why 
does  not  the  Niagara  come  down  and  help  us?" 

She  did  not  come  till  the  intrepid  Perry  him- 
self brought  her,  sweeping  like  an  avenging, 
winged  Nemesis,  past  the  poor,  broken  Law- 
rence, crashing  with  thunderous  broadsides 
through  the  sundered  British  line  with  her 
electrified,  roaring  mates  behind. 

At  the  close  of  the  battle  criticisms  were 


\ 


196        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


quietly  passed  between  officers,  and  some  began 
to  write  letters  censuring  the  second  in  com- 
mand upon  the  position  held  by  his  ship  during 
the  battle.  As  soon  as  Perry  heard  of  this  he 
sent  Lieutenant  Turner  and  Purser  Hambleton, 
the  one  to  the  fleet  the  other  to  the  camp, 
with  entreaties  that  such  criticisms  should 
cease.  It  would  ruin  Elliott,  he  urged.  Honor 
enough  for  all  had  been  won;  he  desired  that 
all  his  companions  in  arms  should  share  it. 
By  this  effort  tongues  were  stilled  and  all  let- 
ters but  one,  which  had  been  already  sent,  were 
stopped. 

The  famous  clause  in  Perry's  second  dispatch 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  sent  September 
13,  Burges  characterizes  as  a  model  of  "benevo- 
lent ambiguity"  for  Elliott's  protection.  He 
said:  '*At  half-past  two,  the  wind  springing 
up.  Captain  Elliott  was  enabled  to  bring  his 
vessel,  the  Niagara,  into  close  action."  He 
did  not  say  that  Elliott  did  do  so.  "Every 
man  in  the  fleet,"  says  Burges,  "knew  that 
this  was  done  by  Perry  himself.  The  public 
might  infer  that  Elliott,  when  it  was  possible, 
did  bring  the  Niagara  gallantly  into  close 
action;    and   Elliott   was  willing  the  report 


CONTROVERSIES  197 


should  be  so  left  in  this  ambiguity.  For  though 
he  requested  Perry  to  place  this  *  enabled'  at 
an  earlier  hour,  he  never  requested  him  to  say 
that  he  did  do  what  he  was  enabled  to  do ;  that 
is,  that  he  did  come  gallantly  into  close  action. 
The  time  when  he  was  so  enabled  was  referred 
to  one  of  his  own  lieutenants,  Edwards,  and  to 
Lieutenant  Turner,  but  they  agreed  that  half- 
past  two,  as  the  Commodore  had  stated,  was 
the  correct  time.  This  was  the  moment  when 
Perry  left  the  Lawrence  to  board  the  Niagara, 
and  this  establishes  the  fact  that  Commodore 
Elliott,  who  now  claims  the  honor  of  the  vic- 
tory, had  not  at  half-past  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  been  in  close  action." 

Burges  introduces  other  facts,  arrayed  in 
convincing  fashion,  to  indicate  the  Niagara's 
position  previous  to  the  time  that  Perry  trans- 
ferred his  flag.  Continuing,  he  explains  how 
Elliott  can  claim  no  particular  credit  for  the 
events  which  followed  such  transfer.  He  under- 
takes to  indicate  where  Elliott  was  when  the 
Detroit  and  Queen  Charlotte  surrendered. 
Wherever  the  Niagara  was  when  Perry  reached 
her,  he  writes,  the  Somers,  Tigress  and  Por- 
cupine were  in  succession  and  in  a  line  a  long 


198        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


distance  astern  of  her.  This  is  proved  by- 
Elliott's  own  officers.  Elliott,  to  bring  up 
these  boats,  left  the  Niagara  and  rowed  down 
the  whole  length  of  the  line,  or  until  he  could 
hail  the  last  boat,  and  rowed  back  and  boarded 
the  Somers,  and  so  brought  the  gunboats 
down  to  engage  in  the  action.  Whatever  dis- 
tance these  vessels,  all  dull  sailers,  were  astern 
of  the  Niagara,  Elliott  had  to  row  twice  over 
that  distance  before  he  could  get  back  to  the 
point  where  he  left  Perry  in  the  Niagara ;  then, 
in  two  or  three  minutes,  starting  under  full 
sail,  to  run  down  over  the  space  which  he  had 
rowed  up  in  fifteen  minutes.  Burges  con- 
cludes that  these  facts  will  give  the  where- 
abouts of  Captain  Elliott  when  the  action 
terminated,  which  was  in  fifteen  minutes,  as 
Elliott  proves,  and  in  twenty,  as  Yarnell 
states,  after  Perry  boarded  the  Niagara. 

As  Dr.  Parsons  was  the  only  surgeon  able  to 
do  duty  in  the  American  squadron,  it  was  not  till 
forty-eight  hours  after  the  battle  that  he  found 
time  to  visit  the  wounded  aboard  the  Niagara. 
Only  two  of  them  told  him  that  they  were 
wounded  before  Perry  boarded  that  vessel.  No 
one  was  killed  on  the  Niagara  while  Elliott 


CONTROVERSIES  199 


was  in  command.  Perry  left  the  Lawrence 
utterly  unmanageable.  The  Detroit,  which  had 
been  engaged  with  her  and  the  Caledonia,  was, 
according  to  Commodore  Barclay,  "a  perfect 
wreck,  and  the  Queen  Charlotte  in  a  condition 
but  little  better."  The  Niagara,  when  Perry 
went  aboard  her,  was  so  entirely  unhurt  in 
steerage,  spars,  rigging,  sails  and  battery,  that, 
without  stopping  a  minute  to  repair.  Perry 
immediately  made  signal  for  close  action  to  the 
vessels  astern,  and,  packing  on  all  sail,  made 
his  successful  dash  for  the  enemy's  line. 

The  position  of  the  gunboats  at  the  time 
Elliott  went  after  them  is  indicated  relatively 
by  the  fact  that  a  trumpet  was  not  resorted 
to  to  order  them  up.  The  fact  that  Elliott 
went  in  person  after  them  is  quite  indicative 
of  their  being  a  considerable  distance  away. 
They  were  astern  of  the  Niagara,  and  in  the 
same  line  with  her,  so  that  Elliott,  when  he 
had  rowed  to  the  most  distant  craft  and  then 
back  to  the  Somers,  was  no  nearer  the  enemy 
than  the  Niagara  was  when  he  left  her. 

"How  long  was  Elliott  in  rowing  twice  over 
this  distance?"  asked  Burges.  "If  it  were  but 
one  half  as  far  as  the  Lawrence  was  from  the 


200        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Niagara,  when  Perry  boarded  that  vessel, 
EUiott  must  have  been  fifteen  minutes  in  those 
two  movements.  Where  was  Perry,  in  the 
Niagara,  during  that  time?  Let  it  be  told  by 
Midshipman  Montgomery,  one  of  Elliott's  own 
witnesses.  He  says,  *the  Detroit  struck  in  fif- 
teen minutes  after  Perry  came  on  board  the 
Niagara,  and  the  Queen  Charlotte  a  few  min- 
utes after.'  If  this  be  correct,  Elliott  had 
that  instant  reached  the  Somers." 

In  the  log-book  of  the  Lawrence  for  September 
10,  1813,  the  record  being  made  by  Sailing- 
Master  Taylor,  within  twenty-four  hours  after 
the  action,  appeared  the  following  statement  in 
the  account  of  the  battle :  "  Captain  Perry 
made  all  sail  with  the  Niagara,  which  hitherto 
had  kept  out  of  the  action,  and  in  fifteen 
minutes  passed  in  among  the  British  squadron." 

In  Captain  Barclay's  official  letter  announc- 
ing to  his  Government  his  defeat,  he  states 
that  he  perceived  his  opponent,  the  Lawrence, 
drop  astern,  and  a  boat  pass  from  him  to  the 
Niagara,  which  vessel  was  at  this  time  per- 
fectly fresh." 

A  naval  court-martial  was  held  at  Ports- 
mouth, England,  in  1815,  for  the  trial  of  Cap- 


CONTROVERSIES  201 


tain  R.  H.  Barclay  and  his  remaining  officers 
and  men  for  the  loss  of  the  squadron  on  Lake 
Erie.  There  is  found  in  the  court's  findings 
the  following  passage:  "The  American  Com- 
modore was  obliged  to  leave  his  ship  and  hoist 
his  flag  on  another  of  his  squadron,  which  had 
not  been  engaged  and  was  making  away."  The 
quoted  allegation  made  in  this  report  that  he 
was  making  away — and  not  anything  contained 
in  the  official  report  of  Commodore  Perry,  nor 
any  charge  made  against  him  at  home — in- 
duced Commodore  Elliott  to  call  for  a  court 
of  inquiry.  This  court  negatived  the  allega- 
tion of  the  British  court-martial,  that  Elliott 
was  making  away  from  the  battle,  pronouncing 
that  charge  malicious  and  unfounded  in  fact. 
"On  the  contrary,"  stated  the  American  report, 
"it  has  been  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  this 
court  that  the  enemy's  ship.  Queen  Charlotte, 
bore  off  from  the  fire  of  the  Niagara,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Elliott."  Which  must  be 
acknowledged  a  most  graceful  administering 
of  whitewash. 

The  inconsistency  of  which  Commodore  Perry 
was  accused,  because  he  gave  a  favorable  ac- 
count of  Elliott's  conduct  in  his  report  of  the 


202        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


battle,  and  later  preferred  charges  against 
him  of  gross  misconduct  during  the  engage- 
ment, is  adequately  explained  in  his  letter  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  reproduced  inBurges' 
work,  accompanying  the  charges  and  requesting 
a  court-martial.  Perry  states  that  during  the 
course  of  the  battle  he  was  necessarily  too 
much  engaged  to  reflect  deliberately  upon  the 
cause  which  induced  Elliott  to  keep  his  vessel 
so  distant  from  the  Lawrence  and  the  enemy. 
After  the  battle  the  commander  could  not  allow 
himself  to  believe  that  an  officer  who  had  con- 
ducted himself  so  handsomely  upon  a  former 
occasion  (as  he  had  been  led  to  believe  that 
Elliott  had),  could  possibly  be  guilty  of  cow- 
ardice or  treachery.  Elliott's  subsequent  readi- 
ness to  undertake  the  most  minute  services 
and  his  unfortunate  position,  which  he  accen- 
tuated to  Perry,  also  had  their  weight.  More 
than  all  else,  the  Commodore  was  actuated  by 
a  strong  desire  for  entire  harmony  after  the 
victory.  If  he  omitted  to  name  Elliott,  or 
named  him  without  credit,  the  Commodore 
might  not  only  ruin  that  officer  but  occasion 
dissensions  which  he  at  that  time  judged  would 
injure  the  service.    As  it  was,  his  report  was 


CONTROVERSIES  203 


far  different  from  what  the  officers  of  his  fleet 
had  expected,  but  he  entreated  them  to  ac- 
quiesce in  it,  and  even  furnished  ElHott  with  a 
favorable  letter,  of  which  he  understood  the 
latter  had  subsequently  made  an  unjustifiable 
use.  This  first  report,  wrote  the  Commodore, 
he  would  willingly  abide  by,  but  Elliott's  as- 
sailing of  his  (Perry's)  own  character,  to 
repair  his  own,  had  rendered  this  impossible. 
He  had  long  been  aware  of  Elliott's  private 
intrigues  against  him,  and  had  said  nothing, 
but  had  declared  to  his  friends  that  if  Elliott 
ever  gave  publicity  to  his  misrepresentations 
the  Commodore  would  demand  an  investigation 
of  the  whole  of  his  conduct.  This  necessity 
was  now  forced  upon  him.  '^Believing  my 
hands  to  be  bound,"  writes  the  Commodore, 
"and  even  braving  me  with  the  very  certifi- 
cate afforded  to  him  in  charity,  this  officer  at 
last  addresses  directly  to  myself,  and  claims  my 
acquiescence  in  the  grossest  misrepresentations 
— not  only  of  his  own  conduct  on  Lake  Erie, 
but  of  conduct  and  declarations  which  he  im- 
putes to  me."  In  conclusion  Perry  states  that 
because  of  the  dissatisfaction  such  inquiries 
into  the  conduct  of  officers  must  entail,  he  had 


204        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


avoided  asking  for  the  investigation  just  as 
long  as  he  possibly  could  with  any  justice  to 
the  service  or  to  his  own  character. 

The  charges  preferred  by  Perry  against  Elliott 
included  the  allegation  that  he  did  not  on  the 
day  of  the  battle  use  his  utmost  exertion  to 
carry  into  execution  the  orders  of  his  com- 
manding officer;  that  for  two  hours  and  over 
he  kept  his  vessel  nearly  a  mile  astern  of  the 
Lawrence,  and  more  than  that  distance  from 
the  whole  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  despite  the 
trumpeted  order  at  the  beginning  of  the  action 
to  engage  closely;  that  he  failed  to  relieve  the 
Lawrence  in  her  time  of  need,  and  that,  by  his 
failure  to  follow  orders,  the  Queen  Charlotte 
was  enabled  to  unite  her  force  with  that  of  the 
Detroit  against  the  Lawrence. 

It  was  charged,  too,  that  Elliott,  about 
October  1,  1813,  on  board  the  Scorpion,  com- 
manded by  Sailing-Master  Champlin,  then  on 
Lake  St.  Clair,  in  Champlin's  hearing  abused 
Commodore  Perry,  declaring  that  he,  Elliott, 
had  had  it  in  his  power  to  destroy  the  fleet 
and  Perry  with  it,  and  regretting  that  he  had 
not  done  so.  Elliott  was  alleged  to  have  uttered 
similar  pleasant  sentiments  at  Buffalo  in  No- 


CONTROVERSIES  205 


vember  and  December  of  that  year.  Some  cor- 
respondence between  Perry  and  Elliott,  which 
has  been  published,  places  the  latter  in  any- 
thing but  a  favorable  light,  and  one  can  feel 
only  regret  that  a  man  whose  previous  record 
had  been  by  no  means  destitute  of  gallantry, 
could,  through  palpable  rancor  and  jealousy, 
have  later  played  the  part  he  did. 

Affidavits  secured  from  the  officers  of  Perry's 
fleet  showed  a  unanimity  of  opinion  in  regard 
to  Elliott's  actions  during  the  battle  which 
was  by  no  means  creditable  to  that  officer. 
Among  them  were  relations  of  statements  made 
by  Elliott  to  the  signers,  after  the  battle,  to 
the  effect  that  Perry,  in  despair,  had  thrown 
overboard  his  fighting  flag,  which  had  been 
picked  up  by  another  officer ;  that  Perry,  when 
he  came  aboard  the  Niagara,  was  in  despair, 
and  was  only  prevented  from  surrendering  the 
fleet  by  Elliott's  firmness;  that  the  Niagara 
had  been  in  the  thick  of  the  action  throughout 
the  battle,  and  sundry  other  ridiculous  contro- 
versions of  stirring  and  established  facts.  Sev- 
eral of  the  officers  rehearsed,  too,  an  account 
emanating  from  the  Somers,  which  Elliott 
boarded  after  going  to  bring  up  the  gunboats. 


206        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


which  was  rather  unfavorable  to  the  Captain. 
The  report  was  that  he  had  beaten  the  captain 
of  the  Somers'  gun  very  severely  with  a  speak- 
ing trumpet  for  having  laughed  at  Elliott's 
dodging  a  shot  from  the  enemy  which  passed 
over  the  boat. 

Because  of  the  absence  upon  the  Mediterran- 
ean station  of  a  number  of  material  witnesses, 
the  court  of  inquiry  asked  for  in  Perry's  letter, 
referred  to  above,  could  not  be  convened  till 
Perry  sailed  upon  the  cruise  which  terminated 
his  life. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  but  necessary  to  observe 
that  the  world  has  forgotten  that  once  upon  a 
time  another  than  Perry  laid  claim  to  Erie's 
bays;  so  utterly  forgotten  that  to  many  a 
reader  these  dry  bones  of  a  dead  controversy, 
for  the  moment  exhumed,  will  wear  the  tran- 
sitory aspect  of  life  revived,  for  that  a  single 
name  glows  luminously  among  the  annals  of 
that  memorable  September  day;  a  name  that 
is  tradition's  heritage;  the  name  of  Perry. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 

HARRISON  and  Perry  lost  no  time  in 
following  up  the  signal  advantage 
obtained  by  the  naval  victory  upon 
Lake  Erie.  When  the  vessels  had  finished 
landing  the  prisoners  and  wounded,  they  were 
em»ployed  in  transporting  troops  from  Fort 
Meigs  and  the  Portage  River  and  concen- 
trating them  at  Put-in  Bay.  On  September  22 
Commodore  Perry  landed  about  1,200  of  the 
troops  on  a  small  island  near  Maiden.  The 
next  day  they  debarked  upon  the  Canadian 
shore  a  little  below  that  town.  An  hour  after 
the  soldiers  landed,  Harrison  took  possession 
of  the  town,  which  the  British  had  evacuated 
after  burning  Fort  Maiden,  the  navy  yard, 
barracks  and  public  storehouses.  Proctor  and 
his  force  fled  to  Sandwich.  Harrison  hurried 
after  him,  but  Proctor  pursued  his  retreat  to 
the  Moravian  town,  on  the  Thames,  eighty 
miles  from  Detroit.  Michigan  had  finally  wholly 


208        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


reverted  to  America.  On  October  2,  Harrison, 
accompanied  by  Perry,  who  had  volunteered  as 
his  aide-de-camp,  left  Sandwich,  pursuing  Proc- 
tor with  a  force  of  3,500  men.  They  reached 
the  Thames  that  evening  and  crossed  by  a 
bridge  which  Proctor  had  not  chanced  to  de- 
stroy. On  October  4  they  dispersed  a  large 
force  of  Indians  drawn  up  at  a  branch  of  the 
Thames  to  prevent  the  Americans  from  repair- 
ing a  bridge  that  had  been  taken  up,  and  there 
found  that  the  enemy  were  but  a  few  miles 
ahead.  The  Americans  pursued  them  in  hot 
haste,  finding  conflagrations  all  along  the  line 
of  march,  the  British  setting  fire  to  what  they 
could  not  save.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  5th, 
the  advance  guard  came  up  with  the  enemy, 
who  were  formed  in  a  strong  position  across 
the  line  of  march.  A  brief  battle  followed,  in 
which  Perry  figured  as  one  of  Harrison's  aides. 
As  a  result  of  Harrison's  admirable  arrange- 
ments, the  Americans  were  signally  victorious, 
the  enemy  being  routed.  There  were  600  British 
regulars  taken  prisoners,  twelve  killed  and 
twenty-two  wounded.  Proctor  escaped  with 
forty  dragoons  and  a  number  of  mounted  In- 
dians.   The   Indians  sustained  severe  losses. 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  209 


There  were  thirty-three  of  them  found  dead 
upon  the  field  and  many  were  killed  while  re- 
treating. Six  pieces  of  brass  ordnance  were 
taken,  of  which  three  were  trophies  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary War,  being  originally  taken  from  the 
British  at  Yorktown  and  Saratoga,  and  subse- 
quently surrendered  by  Hull  at  Detroit.  Other 
munitions  were  taken.  The  Indians  engaged 
in  the  battle  were  estimated  to  number  about 
1,000.  It  was  in  this  battle  of  the  Thames  that 
Teciunseh,  to  whom  none  can  deny  the  attri- 
butes of  greatness,  met  his  end.  While  desper- 
ately wounded,  says  an  account,  he  aimed  a 
weapon  at  Colonel  Johnson,  who  was  himself 
suffering  from  a  serious  injury.  The  Colonel, 
swiftly  drawing  his  pistol,  succeeded  in  antici- 
pating the  chief's  shot,  killing  him  outright. 
The  principles  for  which  this  remarkable  savage 
fought  were  never  more  clearly  enunciated  than 
in  the  speech  which  he  made  to  "his  Father," 
Proctor,  when  urging  him  to  make  a  stand 
at  Amherstburg,  and  refrain  from  seeking 
safety  in  flight,"  an  appeal  that  was  unheeded. 
Tecumseh  said : 

"Father!  you  have  got  the  arms  and  am- 
munition which  our  great  father  sent  for  his 
14 


210        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


red  children.  If  you  have  an  idea  of  going 
away,  give  them  to  us,  and  you  may  go  and 
welcome.  Our  lives  are  in  the  hands  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  We  are  determined  to  defend  our 
lands,  and,  if  it  be  His  will,  we  wish  to  leave 
our  bones  upon  them." 

The  question  has  been  seriously  raised  in 
certain  quarters  whether  the  Indian  killed  by 
Johnson  was  really  Tecumseh.  Some  have  said 
that  it  was  another,  of  lesser  note,  who  met 
his  doom  at  Johnson's  hands.  But  however 
this  may  be,  no  doubt  exists  that  Tecumseh 
was  killed  during  the  action  and  his  body  was 
borne  quietly  away  by  his  braves. 

In  his  report  of  the  action,  Harrison  wrote, 
"Commodore  Perry  and  General  Cass  assisted 
me  in  forming  the  troops  for  action.  The  former 
is  an  officer  of  the  highest  merit.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  brave  Commodore  cheered  and  ani- 
mated every  breast." 

The  Thames  victory  definitely  terminated  the 
war  on  the  Northwestern  frontier,  ending  a 
bloody  record  of  fifteen  months.  The  red  allies 
of  the  British  were  done  with  warfare.  After 
the  Americans  had  regained  the  control  of  Michi- 
gan a  number  of  the  hostile  tribes  sued  for 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  211 


peace,  and  brought  in  hostages  for  good  be- 
havior. Others  quickly  followed  them,  treat- 
ing with  the  Americans  at  Detroit.  Their  peace 
proposals  were  accepted  by  General  McArthur, 
in  command  there,  on  condition  that  '*they 
should  take  hold  of  the  same  tomahawk  with 
the  Americans  and  strike  all  who  are  or  may 
be  enemies  of  the  United  States,  whether  British 
or  Indians." 

After  the  Thames  action,  the  American  army 
returned  to  Detroit,  where,  on  October  16,  Har- 
rison issued  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  to  the 
peace-seeking  Indian  tribes.  The  whites  were 
enjoined  from  any  depredations  upon  the  red- 
skins. The  following  day  a  proclamation  was 
issued  by  Harrison  and  Perry,  dated  at  Sand- 
wich, stating  in  effect  that  a  government  of 
amnesty  should  prevail  over  the  conquered 
British  colonies  for  such  time  as  American  arms 
should  remain  in  possession  of  the  District  of 
Upper  Canada. 

Harrison  and  Perry  left  Detroit  in  the  Ariel 
and  arrived  at  Erie  October  22.  Public  joy 
was  naturally  unconfined.  Celebrations  were 
continuous.  The  gallant  pair  were  hailed  as 
the  deliverers  of  the  frontier.    From  Erie,  with 


212        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


a  part  of  the  squadron,  consisting  of  the 
Niagara,  Caledonia,  Hunter,  Ariel,  Lady  Pre- 
vost,  Trippe  and  Little  Belt,  having  aboard 
2,000  troops,  they  sailed  for  Buffalo,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  24th.  In  compliance  with 
orders  from  Washington,  Harrison  proceeded 
with  the  troops  from  Buffalo  to  Sackets  Har- 
bor. 

The  campaign  on  Ontario  that  year  may  be 
dismissed  with  a  few  words.  Wilkinson,  with 
a  large  force,  sailed  from  Sackets  Harbor  early 
in  November.  A  destructive  gale  caused  the 
squadron  to  rendezvous  at  Grenadier  Island 
in  demoralized  order.  A  force  under  Hampton 
was  to  march  from  Chateaugay  and  finally 
join  Wilkinson's  army  in  a  concentrated  attack 
upon  Montreal.  Some  engagements  ensued, 
but  Wilkinson's  delay  in  starting  was  fatal  to 
the  enterprise,  as  far  as  his  force  was  concerned, 
heavy  gales  playing  havoc  with  the  project. 
The  troops  finally  landed  on  Canadian  soil 
and  the  Battle  of  Williamsburgh  was  fought 
with  honors  easy.  The  Americans  proceeded 
some  distance  further  down  the  St.  Lawrence, 
but  Hampton,  it  was  learned,  had  put  back, 
and  the  campaign  ended  in  a  dreary  fizzle. 


AFTEK  THE  BATTLE  213 


Those  in  charge  of  it  were  for  some  time  en- 
gaged in  a  controversy  over  the  question  of 
responsibiHty  for  failure,  and  some  court-mar- 
tials and  relieving  of  commands  ensued. 

The  naval  contest  on  Ontario  that  year,  be- 
tween Chauncey  and  Yeo,  resulted  in  nothing 
decisive.  There  was  a  brush  at  long  range  the 
day  after  Perry's  victory;  Yeo,  by  his  own 
confession,  sailing  away  after  a  few  shots  had 
been  fired.  On  September  28  occurred  another 
engagement.  The  Americans  assumed  the 
aggressive  and  knocked  over  some  masts  that 
in  falling  killed  a  number  of  the  enemy.  Yeo 
then  made  sail  to  escape  the  opposing  fleet. 

"Having  chased  the  British  into  Burlington 
Bay,"  records  Spears,  "Commodore  Chauncey 
missed  the  one  great  opportunity  of  his  life- 
time. Burlington  Bay  was  undefended.  Had 
he  sailed  boldly  in  after  the  demoralized  British, 
there  was  every  hope  of  a  triumph  as  complete 
as  that  of  Perry  on  Lake  Erie.  But  Chauncey 
did  not  sail  in.  He  said  he  was  afraid  it  would 
come  on  to  blow  and  he  would  be  caught  on  a 
lee  shore.  That  he  was  afraid  of  something  is 
undisputed.  Chauncey,  however,  did  now  have 
command  of  the  lake,  and  a  few  days  later 


I 


214        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


retook  the  Julia  and  the  Growler  that  Yeo  had 
captured  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  and  took 
also  the  British  schooners  Mary,  Drummond 
and  Lady  Gore.  These  five  were  transporting 
troops  along  the  lake  shore.  Yeo  got  his  war 
ships  into  Kingston  and  Chauncey  kept  them 
there. 

On  the  whole,  the  British  had  undisputed 
control  of  Lake  Ontario  during  forty-eight 
days.  There  was  a  sort  of  contest  for  the 
control  lasting  sixty-nine  days,  and  the  Ameri- 
cans held  undisputed  control  for  107  days  of 
the  open  season  of  1813." 

Considering  the  difference  in  resources  between 
the  naval  captains  of  Erie  and  Ontario,  the 
record  made  on  the  latter  cannot  be  considered 
of  a  blood-stirring  order. 

Naturally  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Erie 
caused  universal  joy  throughout  the  nation. 
Illuminations  and  popular  demonstrations  oc- 
cured  in  numberless  cities  and  towns.  The 
President  appointed  Perry  to  the  rank  of  Cap- 
tain in  the  navy.  He  was  presented  with  the 
freedom  of  the  cities  of  New  York  and  Albany. 
The  thanks  of  Congress  were  voted  to  the  Com- 
modore, his  officers,  seamen  and  marines,  and 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  215 


medals  were  presented  to  him  and  his  officers. 
The  City  of  Philadelphia  held  a  notable  celebra- 
tion, and  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, with  medals,  were  voted  to  the  Commo- 
dore and  his  men.  The  citizens  of  Boston  gave 
valuable  presents,  and  a  long  list  could  be  made 
of  similar  honors  and  observances. 

Perry  left  Harrison  at  Buffalo,  and  started 
for  Albany,  where  he  arrived  November  8.  He 
was  received  by  the  city  officials  with  honors 
and  was  presented  with  the  freedom  of  the 
city  in  a  gold  case,  and  a  sword,  voted  him  by 
the  Common  Council.  He  then  proceeded  to 
his  home  at  Newport,  R.  I.,  accompanied  by 
his  brother  and  the  four  tars  who  had  rowed 
him  from  the  Lawrence  to  the  Niagara.  The 
imagination  can  readily  picture  the  nature  of 
his  reception  at  home. 

The  Commodore  left  Newport  early  in  Jan- 
uary, 1814,  for  New  York,  where,  on  the  11th, 
he  was  sumptuously  entertained  in  Tammany 
Hall.  He  proposed  a  toast  on  this  occasion 
which  was  strikingly  indicative  of  his  own  un- 
compromising position  in  those  days  of  war- 
ring factions.  It  was,  "  The  Union  of  the  States." 
Perry  proceeded  to  Washington,  where  he  was 


216        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


officially  and  suitably  entertained.  After  a  few 
days  at  the  capital,  Perry  left  for  home,  stop- 
ping at  Baltimore,  where  one  of  the  most  sig- 
nal ovations  of  his  career  awaited  him.  The 
popular  idol  now  returned  to  Newport,  having 
at  that  time  a  command  on  that  station.  He 
continued  there  during  the  spring  and  summer 
following.  It  was  in  effect  a  period  of  repose, 
for  there  was  but  little  for  him  to  do.  His- 
torians have  not  been  lacking  who  have  re- 
corded their  regrets  that  the  Government  did 
not  see  fit  during  that  year  to  sever  the  strands 
of  red  tape  sufficiently  to  place  the  victor  of 
Erie  in  command  of  the  squadron  on  Ontario, 
it  being  shrewdly  surmised  that,  had  this  been 
done,  the  record  on  those  waters  for  1814 
would  have  been  anything  but  of  an  indeter- 
minate nature.  As  it  was,  Perry  appeared  no 
more  on  the  waters  of  the  north,  and,  though 
many  additions  rendered  the  opposing  fleets 
on  Ontario  more  formidable  than  at  any  pre- 
vious time  during  the  war,  the  "struggle" 
closed  on  that  lake  with  the  long  drawn-out 
issue  undecided. 

Some  few  incidents,  however,  occurred  to  break 
the  monotony  of  service  at  Newport.    On  May 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  217 


30  a  Swedish  brig  was  chased  into  the  eastern 
passage  at  Newport  and  run  ashore  by  the 
boats  of  a  British  war  vessel.  Perry  was 
apprised,  and  at  once  ordered  a  detachment  of 
seamen,  with  a  6-pounder,  to  the  assistance 
of  the  brig.  Some  mihtia  accompanied  them. 
The  next  morning  the  British  brig  Nimrod 
stood  close  in  shore,  drove  the  crew  out  of  the 
Swedish  vessel  and  succeeded  in  boarding  and 
setting  her  on  fire.  The  Americans  arrived 
opportunely  and  the  British  vessel  hastily 
weighed  anchor  and  set  out  to  sea.  The  Ameri- 
cans put  out  the  fire  and  saved  most  of  the 
Swedish  ship's  cargo. 

During  the  summer  of  1814,  the  eastern 
coast  of  the  country  was  greatly  harassed  by 
the  British.  They  destroyed  shipping  interests 
and  entered  ports  and  committed  depredations. 
To  repel  expected  attacks  Perry  proceeded  to 
the  eastward.  He  was  at  Wiscasset  late  in 
June,  when  the  enemy  attacked  the  place. 
Perry  had  meanwhile  organized  a  resistance 
which  repelled  the  British. 

On  June  21  Perry  received  a  communication 
from  inhabitants  of  Wareham,  Mass.,  telling  of 
outrages  committed  by  the  enemy,  who  had 


218 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


entered  the  port  under  a  flag  of  truce.  At  the 
request  of  these  citizens,  the  Commodore  trans- 
mitted a  report  of  the  transaction  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy. 

The  capture  of  Washington  by  the  British, 
on  August  24,  induced  Commodore  Perry  to 
repair  thither.  The  action  at  Bladensburg,  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  24th,  having  resulted  in 
the  retreat  of  the  American  troops,  the  enemy 
marched  to  the  capital  without  experiencing 
further  opposition.  The  forces  in  this  battle 
were  about  equal  in  figures,  5,000  each,  but 
the  British  had  mostly  regulars,  while  the 
larger  part  of  the  American  troops  were  militia- 
men. The  latter  were  too  easily  discouraged, 
though  the  350  regulars  made  a  better  record. 
Commodore  Barney,  the  hero  of  two  wars, 
made  a  brave  stand  with  his  volunteers,  but 
was  wounded  and  made  a  prisoner.  The  oc- 
cupancy of  Washington  on  this  day  by  Ross' 
troops,  the  burning  of  public  buildings,  and 
the  departure  of  the  British  the  following  day, 
are  too  well  known  to  require  repetition. 

Soon  after  this,  several  distinguished  naval 
officers,  among  whom  were  Rodgers,  Porter  and 
Perry,  arrived  in  Washington.  After  the  British 


AFTEE  THE  BATTLE  219 


retreat  from  Washington,  a  part  of  the  enemy's 
naval  force  went  up  the  Potomac  to  Alexandria 
and  threatened  the  destruction  of  that  town. 
The  abandonment  and  destruction  of  Fort  War- 
burton  had  removed  all  obstructions  to  their 
passage  up  the  river.  The  citizens  were  forced 
to  agree  to  a  capitulation,  by  which  all  naval 
and  ordnance  stores,  together  with  the  shipping 
in  the  harbor  (including  some  sunken  vessels 
which  the  citizens  were  to  raise),  and  all  mer- 
chandise, were  to  be  delivered  to  the  enemy. 
Refreshments  of  every  description  were  to  be 
supplied  to  the  ships  and  paid  for,  at  the  mar- 
ket price,  by  bills  on  the  British  Government. 
It  needed  but  this  last  touch  to  add  the  climax 
to  the  irony  of  the  situation. 

While  the  British  were  plundering  the  unfor- 
tunate town  at  their  leisure,  preparations  were 
afoot  to  annoy  them  upon  their  descending  the 
river.  Commodore  Rodgers  proceeded  down  the 
Potomac,  September  3,  with  fire  ships,  meant 
for  some  of  the  enemy's  ships  lying  below 
Alexandria,  but  the  wind  failed,  and  this  enter- 
prise did  not  succeed.  Similar  attempts,  made 
subsequently,  failed  for  the  same  reasoii.  Cap- 
tain Porter  erected  a  temporary  battery  at 


220        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  White  House,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river, 
to  destroy  some  of  the  enemy's  vessels  which 
were  due  to  pass  down  the  river.  He  was  as- 
sisted by  several  officers  and  a  body  of  militia. 
On  September  4  and  5  the  enemy  fired  con- 
tinually upon  the  battery,  and  made  a  night 
attack  to  spike  the  guns,  but  were  repulsed. 
The  enemy's  force  moved  down  the  river  the 
next  day  and  the  battery  injured  them  severely, 
though  they  succeeded  in  getting  away  with 
their  plunder.  The  fire  was  severe  on  both 
sides  for  an  hour.  Commodore  Perry  com- 
manded a  battery  at  Indian  Head,  below  that 
at  the  White  House.  The  cannon  were  of  too 
small  a  caliber  to  make  much  impression  on 
the  enemy  as  they  descended  the  river.  Perry's 
position  was  advantageous  and  his  party  was 
only  slightly  injured  by  the  British.  Only  one 
man  was  wounded.    None  were  killed. 

When  the  British  had  gotten  away,  Rodger s 
and  Perry  immediately  proceeded  to  Baltimore, 
a  speedy  attack  being  expected  upon  that 
place. 

On  the  morning  of  September  11  the  enemy's 
fleet,  containing  forty  or  fifty  vessels,  appeared 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Patapsco  River.    Some  of 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE  221 


the  ships  entered  the  stream  and  others  pro- 
ceeded to  North  Point.  The  following  night 
they  began  the  debarkation  of  the  troops, 
which  was  completed  early  the  next  morning. 
In  the  meantime,  the  frigates,  which  had  been 
previously  lightened,  together  with  the  bomb- 
ketches  and  small  vessels,  approached  and  ar- 
ranged themselves  in  line  of  battle,  to  bombard 
the  fort  and  town.  The  ships  of  the  line  lay 
off  North  Point,  to  protect  the  entire  force. 
The  enemy  landed  about  9,000  men,  the  forces 
comprising  5,000  soldiers,  under  Major-General 
Ross,  and  4,000  marines  and  seamen,  com- 
manded by  Admiral  Cockburn.  They  marched 
four  miles  sans  opposition,  when  they  were 
met  by  a  force  of  3,200  men;  General  Strieker's 
brigade  and  several  companies  of  volunteers, 
most  of  whom  were  from  Pennsylvania.  The 
remainder  of  the  troops,  which  had  been  col- 
lected for  defense,  were  stationed  in  the  rear, 
and  at  various  defenses.  A  warm  engagement 
ensued,  the  Americans  retiring  slowly. 

The  next  day  the  British  advanced  two  miles 
further  toward  the  town,  but  resistance  was 
determined,  and  they  retreated  in  the  night 
and  took  to  their  boats.    An  attack  by  the 


222        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


enemy's  ships  upon  Fort  McHenry  was  signally 
repulsed.  The  attack  upon  Baltimore,  by  a 
combined  land  and  naval  force,  had  failed. 
General  Ross  fell  early  in  the  action.  The 
enemy's  loss  was  about  eight  hundred,  while 
Americans  lost  but  twenty  killed  and  about 
one  hundred  and  forty  wounded,  taken  prisoners 
and  missing. 

Among  the  enemy's  objects  at  Baltimore  was 
the  destruction  of  the  Java,  then  building 
there.  This  ship  had  been  equipped  and  fitted 
for  service  by  Commodore  Perry,  under  official 
orders.  The  Commodore,  however,  continued 
in  his  Newport  command,  remaining  there  with 
his  family  a  large  portion  of  his  time.  His 
active  career,  as  far  as  the  War  of  1812  was 
concerned,  was  finished. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN 

IN  January,  1815,  Commodore  Perry  re- 
ceived a  testimonial  which  he  probably 
prized  highly  in  the  list  of  honors  which 
had  come  to  him,  since  it  was  from  his  own 
townspeople.  It  was  in  the  form  of  a  hand- 
some silver  vase,  of  large  size,  surmounted 
by  an  eagle,  and  appropriately  engraved,  the 
gift  of  his  appreciative  fellow-citizens  of  New- 
port. 

He  continued  to  command  on  the  Newport 
station  and  to  superintend  the  equipping  of 
the  Java  during  1815.  She,  under  his  com- 
mand, was  intended  to  sail  for  the  Mediterra- 
nean, as  a  part  of  the  naval  force  ordered  there 
by  the  American  Government,  the  fleet  to  be 
commanded  by  Commodore  Chauncey.  Pre- 
paratory to  commencing  this  cruise,  the  Java 
proceeded  to  Newport  Harbor,  remaining  there 
for  some  time  before  sailing. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1816  Perry  sailed  in 


( 


^24        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


the  Java  for  the  troublesome  blue  sea,  it  being 
his  third  cruise  to  those  waters  upon  a  martial 
mission.  The  principal  object  of  the  dispatch- 
ing of  the  squadron  at  this  time,  was  to  keep 
alive  the  feeling  of  wholesome  respect  aroused 
in  the  Barbary  States  by  previous  armed  dem- 
onstrations. Such  an  impression  had  been 
produced  by  a  squadron  under  Commodore 
Decatur,  which  had  sailed  from  New  York, 
April  20,  1815,  for  the  Mediterranean.  The 
force  consisted  of  the  Guerriere,  Constellation 
and  Macedonian,  frigates;  Ontario  and  Eper- 
vier,  sloops  of  war,  and  the  Spark,  Spitfire, 
Touch  and  Flambeau,  schooners.  It  was  ex- 
pected that  this  squadron  would  be  shortly 
followed  by  another,  under  Commodore  Bain- 
bridge.  He  was,  upon  his  arrival,  to  assume 
command  of  the  whole  force,  and  Decatur  was 
to  return  to  the  United  States.  The  expedition 
was  designed  against  the  Dey  of  Algiers,  Con- 
gress having  declared  war  against  that  Regency 
immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  The  cause  for 
hostilities  had  existed  for  some  time,  but  the 
war  with  Britain  had  provided  a  sufficiently 
large  mouthful  for  Congress  to  masticate,  so 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  225 


the  chastisement  of  the  Algerine  was  deferred 
until  that  was  disposed  of. 

In  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Regency  of  Algiers,  in  1795,  the 
former,  being  put  on  the  same  footing  as 
other  nations,  was  to  pay  to  the  Dey  the  an- 
nual tribute  of  12,000  Algerine  sequins,  to  be 
invested  in  naval  stores.  No  difficulties  arose 
under  this  treaty,  nor  any  infringment  of  it, 
upon  the  part  of  the  Algerines,  occurred  till 
July,  1812,  when  the  Dey  violated  its  most 
important  articles.  The  imminence  of  war  be- 
tween this  country  and  England  emboldened  the 
Dey  in  his  course  of  hostility  toward  the  weaker 
nation.  When  the  U.  S.  ship  Alleghany  ar- 
rived at  Algiers  in  July,  1812,  with  a  cargo  of 
naval  stores  for  the  payment  of  the  tribute, 
the  Dey  found  fault  with  the  consignment,  com- 
manded that  the  vessel  leave  Algiers,  and  that 
Colonel  Lear,  the  American  consul  there,  leave 
with  it.  Shortly  afterward  he  coolly  registered 
a  claim  of  $27,000  for  alleged  arrearages  of 
tribute,  based  for  seventeen  years  on  the  differ- 
rence  between  the  Christian  and  Mahometan  cal- 
endar years.  The  consul  expostulated,  his  course 
resulting  in  a  promise  that,  if  the  claim  was 
15 


( 


226        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


not  paid,  he  would  be  imprisoned  and  placed 
in  chains,  the  Alleghany  and  her  cargo  confis- 
cated, and  every  American  citizen  in  Algiers 
placed  in  slavery.  Colonel  Lear,  it  being  the 
only  available  com^se,  succeeded  in  raising  the 
amount,  which  he  paid  the  amiable  ruler,  and, 
with  his  family  and  twenty  other  Americans, 
embarked  on  board  the  Alleghany  for  America. 
Their  departure  was  followed  by  an  immediate 
commencement  of  depredations  upon  American 
commerce  in  those  waters. 

As  soon  as  the  issue  with  England  was  con- 
cluded, Congress,  which  had  been  chafing  under 
this  intolerable  course,  set  about  paying  off 
scores,  declaring  war  against  the  piratical 
Regency. 

Decatur's  squadron  arrived  at  Gibraltar  May 
15.  He  was  informed  there  that  the  Algerine 
squadron,  which  had  been  out  in  the  Atlantic, 
had  passed  up  the  straits  and  the  news  of  his 
arrival  been  received  at  Algiers.  Decatur  pro- 
ceeded at  once  up  the  Mediterranean,  hoping  to 
intercept  the  enemy's  squadron  before  it  could 
return  to  Algiers,  or  gain  a  neutral  port.  He 
partially  realized  his  object.  The  Guerriere  fell 
in  with  the  Algerine  frigate  Mazouda,  June  17, 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  227 


off  Cape  de  Gatt,  and  captured  her  after  a  run- 
ning engagement  of  twenty-five  minutes.  The 
Algerine  crew  fired  two  broadsides  and  then  ran 
below.  Thirty  of  them  were  killed,  including  Ad- 
miral Hammida,  long  a  terror  of  those  waters. 
Four  hundred  and  six  prisoners  were  taken.  Four 
members  of  the  Guerriere's  crew  were  wounded. 
Two  days  later,  off  Cape  Palos,  the  American 
squadron  fell  in  with  an  Algerine  brig,  which 
they  captured.  The  squadron  then  proceeded 
to  Algiers,  reaching  there  June  28.  Decatur 
captured  a  frigate  and  a  brig  of  the  enemy's 
squadron.  Supposing  the  remainder  had  put 
into  some  neutral  port,  he  judged  it  a  favorable 
time  to  open  negotiations,  so  sent  the  Dey  a 
letter  from  the  President.  The  captain  of  the 
port,  with  the  Swedish  consul,  was  soon  sent 
to  the  Guerriere  to  further  the  negotiation. 
Decatur  and  Mr.  Shaler,  who  had  been  author- 
ized to  negotiate  a  treaty,  proposed  the  only 
basis  upon  which  an  adjustment  could  be  made, 
which  was  the  absolute  relinquishment  of  any 
demand  of  tribute  on  the  part  of  the  regency^ 
on  any  pretext  whatever.  The  Dey's  agent 
demurred,  but  on  learning  of  the  fatt  of  Ham- 
mida,  became   unnerved  and  agreed  to  the 


228        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Americans'  proposal,  submitting,  however,  that 
he  was  not  then  authorized  to  conclude  a 
treaty,  but  requesting  the  American  commis- 
sioners to  name  their  terms.  Some  days  of 
negotiations  followed,  the  Algerines  squirming, 
but  the  Americans  refusing  to  yield  a  single 
point.  The  latter  won,  and  the  Dey  signed  the 
treaty,  which  renounced  claims  to  tribute,  pro- 
vided for  the  liberation  of  American  prisoners 
without  ransom,  for  compensation  to  this  na- 
tion for  vessels  seized  and  detained,  and  for 
many  other  things  then  necessary  to  the  com- 
mercial comfort  of  the  United  States  in  those 
harried  waters. 

Commodore  Decatur  dispatched  the  Epervier, 
with  the  treaty,  to  the  United  States,  and  sailed 
with  the  rest  of  the  squadron  to  Tunis.  Shaler 
was  left  at  Algiers  as  Consul-General  to  the 
Barbary  States.  A  misunderstanding  between 
the  American  consul  and  the  Bashaw  at  Tunis 
occasioned  this  visit.  Upon  his  arrival  Decatur 
was  informed  by  the  American  consul  that  the 
Bashaw  had  violated  the  treaty,  during  the  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
by  permitting  two  prizes,  captured  by  an  Amer- 
ican privateer,  to  be  taken  out  of  the  harbor 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  229 


at  Tunis  by  a  British  cruiser ;  and  also  in  per- 
mitting a  company  of  merchants,  the  Bashaw's 
own  subjects,  to  take  the  property  of  an  Ameri- 
can citizen  at  their  own  price,  which,  needless  to 
say,  was  a  small  one.  Decatur  officially  sub- 
stantiated the  facts  and  demanded  immediate 
satisfaction.  The  Prime  Minister  acknowledged 
the  justice  of  the  claim,  but  wanted  a  year  in 
which  to  pay  the  money  demanded.  Decatur 
peremptorily  refused,  and  was  then  assured  that 
payment  would  be  made  at  once.  He  went  on 
shore  and  received  visits  from  the  various 
consuls.  The  money  was  paid  by  a  brother  of 
the  Prime  Minister,  who  observed  Commodore 
Decatur  in  conversation  with  the  British  consul. 
He  threw  down  the  money  bags  and  upbraided 
the  consul,  accusing  his  Government  first  of 
violating  neutrality,  and  then  leaving  the  vic- 
tims to  pay  for  the  aggressions  or  be  destroyed. 
The  Bashaw  later  proposed  to  send  a  minister 
to  England  to  demand  restitution  of  the  money 
he  had  been  obliged  to  pay. 

Having  finished  with  Tunis,  Decatur  proceeded 
to  Tripoli,  which  had  also  violated  its  treaty 
with  the  United  States,  in  having  permitted 
two  American  vessels  to  be  taken  by  a  British 


230        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


sloop  of  war,  from  under  the  guns  of  the  castle, 
and  in  refusing  protection  to  an  American 
cruiser  lying  within  its  waters.  Satisfaction 
was  demanded  in  the  sum  of  $25,000.  The 
Bashaw's  memory  was  conveniently  long.  He 
remembered  the  former  war  with  the  Americans 
and  an  immediate  order  issued  that  the  sum  re- 
quired be  paid  to  the  American  consul.  Decatur 
procured  the  release  of  some  captives  of  various 
nationalities,  and,  late  in  August,  the  squadron 
sailed  for  Carthagena.  Failing  to  meet  there 
the  reinforcement  of  the  second  division  of  the 
fleet,  under  Bainbridge,  Decatur  proceeded  to 
Gibraltar.  There  the  divisions  united,  and 
Decatur,  after  a  most  honorable  record,  turned 
over  the  command  to  Bainbridge,  and,  boarding 
the  Guerriere,  returned  to  the  United  States. 
Bainbridge  exhibited  his  formidable  fleet  before 
Tunis,  Tripoli  and  Algiers,  the  demonstration 
of  force  being  intended  to  produce  a  desirable 
effect,  after  which  the  squadron  returned  to 
America,  reaching  Boston  November  15,  1815, 
three  days  before  the  arrival  of  the  Guerriere. 
The  expedition  had  been  most  successful.  De- 
mands had  been  acceded  to  with  the  exercise  of 
but  little  force.    The  lawless  Barbary  States 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  231 


had  been  overawed,  past  experience  exercising 
potent  power  in  impelling  a  proper  apprecia- 
-  tion  of  this  nation's  prestige.  The  appearance 
of  so  large  a  squadron  in  their  waters,  flying 
the  American  flag  so  soon  after  the  war  with 
Great  Britain,  had  a  sobering  influence  upon 
these  freebooters  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  disagreeable  shock  and 
speedily  produced  the  results  hoped  for. 

It  was  for  the  purpose  of  intensifying  this 
wholesome  impression  that  the  Java  and  the 
rest  of  the  squadron  under  Commodore  Chaun- 
cey  was  sent  out  the  next  year.  The  treaty 
concluded  by  Commodore  Decatur,  having 
been  ratified  by  the  American  Government,  was 
carried  in  the  Java,  to  be  exchanged  for  the 
unratified  treaty.  The  Java  arrived  at  Port 
Mahon,  where  that  portion  of  the  first  squadron 
which  had  not  yet  returned  to  the  United 
States  had  made  their  winter  quarters.  On 
April  5  the  Java,  Constellation,  Erie  and  John 
Adams  left  there  and  sailed  to  Algiers,  where 
they  found  an  English  fleet,  under  Lord 
Exmouth,  anchored  in  the  bay  in  battle  order, 
abreast  of  the  batteries.  The  English  admiral 
demanded  the  unconditional  liberation  of  all 


( 


232        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


Christian  slaves.  This  was  refused,  and  negotia- 
tions proceeded  later  upon  a  financial  basis. 

The  Americans  proceeded  to  negotiations  with 
the  elusive  pirate  power  on  their  own  account. 
The  Dey  affected  to  consider  the  ratified  treaty 
entirely  a  new  one,  and  coquetted  with  the  sit- 
uation in  the  inimitable  way  of  those  trouble- 
some States,  whose  rulers  it  seemed  absolutely 
impossible  to  pin  down  to  tangibilities.  The 
Dey  complained  that  he  had  not  been  treated 
justly  in  many  particulars,  and  the  negotiations 
ended  without  result.  Algiers'  Prime  Minister 
waxed  insulting  the  following  day,  and  returned 
the  treaty.  Mr.  Shaler,  the  American  consul, 
now  deemed  it  prudent  to  withdraw  from  the 
city  and  took  up  his  residence  on  board  the 
frigate  United  States. 

It  was  time  to  again  remind  the  slippery  Dey 
of  the  long  arms  of  the  young  nation  over-sea, 
and  earnest  presentments  were  made  to  him  of 
what  would  occur  if  he  failed  to  do  what  was 
equitable  in  the  matter.  The  result  was  that 
after  four  days  more  of  negotiation,  under  a 
flag  of  truce,  the  Dey,  again  oppressed  with  a 
wholesome  recollection  of  the  past,  re-acknowl- 
edged the  treaty,  and  promised  to  wait  till 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  233 


instructions  could  be  received  from  the  President 
of  the  United  States  regarding  the  points  in 
dispute.  That  part  of  the  American  squadron 
which  appeared  before  Algiers  was  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Commodore  Shaw. 
When  the  negotiations  were  ended,  the  squadron 
sailed  for  Barcelona,  with  the  exception  of  the 
John  Adams,  which  returned  to  America. 

During  the  stay  in  the  Mediterranean  a  con- 
troversy arose  in  September  between  Commo- 
dore Perry  and  John  Heath,  Captain  of  marines 
on  board  the  Java.  The  circumstances  were 
related  by  Commodore  Perry  in  a  letter  written 
from  the  Java  to  his  commanding  officer.  Com- 
modore Chauncey,  requesting  an  inquiry  into 
his  own  conduct.  The  Commodore  wrote  that 
on  the  evening  of  September  16,  while  the  Java 
lay  at  anchor  in  the  Harbor  of  Messina,  two 
of  her  marines  jumped  into  the  sea  and  swam 
to  the  shore.  Captain  Heath  was  summoned 
by  the  Commodore,  but  delayed  deliberately  in 
coming  on  deck,  and,  when  ordered  to  muster 
the  marines,  responded  in  so  indifferent  a  man- 
ner that  Perry  told  him  to  go  below  and  sus- 
pend his  duties  aboard  the  Java.  Tw  o  evenings 
later  Heath  left  a  disrespectful  letter  in  his 


( 


234        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


superior's  cabin.  Perry  summoned  him  and 
inquired  the  reasons  for  his  course.  He  as- 
sumed a  manner  irritating  and  contemptu- 
ous" and  launched  a  lengthy,  insolent  tirade 
at  the  Commodore.  Perry  ordered  him  to  be 
silent  and  summoned  a  marine  officer  to  arrest 
him.  The  flood  of  invective  continued,  and, 
before  the  summoned  officer  arrived.  Perry 
struck  the  Captain.  The  Commodore  was  mor- 
tified at  so  far  forgetting  himself,  and  offered 
an  apology,  which  was  refused.  The  ensuing 
court-martial,  which  tried  the  two  men,  found 
that  both  had  been  somewhat  hasty.  Captain 
Heath  was  found  guilty  of  disrespectful,  inso- 
lent and  contemptuous  conduct  toward  Cap- 
tain Perry,  his  superior  officer,  and  of  diso- 
bedience to  his  orders.  Perry  was  found  guilty 
of  having  used  improper  language  and  of  strik- 
ing Captain  Heath. 

The  Dey  of  Algiers  soon  showed  evidence  of 
desire  to  become  slippery  again,  and  so,  on 
Christmas  Day,  1816,  Commodore  Chauncey 
concluded  another  treaty  with  him  that  reit- 
erated more  strongly  the  principal  features  of 
Decatur's  treaty.  After  this  the  Java  and  the 
Ontario  (sloop  of  war)  sailed  for  the  United 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  235 

States,  leaving  the  rest  of  the  squadron  at  Port 
Mahon.  The  J ava  arrived  at  Newport  early  in 
March,  1817,  bearing  dispatches  from  Commo- 
dore Chauncey.  The  Ontario  proceeded  to 
Annapolis. 

Commodore  Perry  remained  at  Newport. 
The  next  June,  together  with  Commodore 
Bainbridge  and  Captain  Evans,  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  to  survey  and  ex- 
amine Newport  Harbor,  to  determine  its  ad- 
vantages as  a  site  for  a  naval  depot.  In  July 
Perry  retired  from  the  command  of  the  Java, 
whose  officers  presented  him  with  an  earnest 
address  of  regret  at  his  retirement.  Perry  re- 
sumed the  command  of  the  Newport  station 
during  the  remainder  of  this  and  a  part  of  the 
ensuing  year. 

There  was  still  another  incident  to  occur  in 
the  Commodore's  controversy  with  Captain 
Heath.  Heath  visited  Rhode  Island  early  in 
October,  1818,  and  dispatched  Perry  a  com- 
munication in  which  he  demanded  satisfaction 
for  his  alleged  injury  when  in  the  Mediterranean. 
The  men  would  have  met  then,  but  the  State 
authorities  interfered.  Commodore  Perry  then 
agreed  to  go  on  to  Washington  to  accommo- 


( 


236        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


date  Heath.  The  following  note,  which  was 
indorsed  on  the  preliminary  arrangement  re- 
garding the  meeting,  explains  Perry's  attitude  : 

"Captain  Perry  desires  it  explicitly  under- 
stood that  in  according  to  Captain  Heath  the 
personal  satisfaction  he  has  demanded,  he  has 
been  influenced  entirely  by  a  sense  of  what  he 
considers  due  from  him,  as  an  atonement  to  the 
violated  rules  of  the  service,  and  not  by  any 
considerations  of  the  claims  which  Captain 
Heath  may  have  for  making  such  a  demand, 
which  he  totally  denies,  as  such  claims  have 
been  forfeited  by  the  measures  of  a  public 
character,  which  Captain  Heath  has  adopted 
toward  him.  If,  therefore,  the  civil  authority 
should  produce  an  impossibility  of  meeting  at 
the  time  and  place  designed,  which  he  will  take 
every  precaution  to  prevent,  he  will  consider 
himself  absolutely  exonerated  from  any  respon- 
sibility to  Captain  Heath,  touching  their  pres- 
ent cause  of  difference." 

This  was  signed  by  the  seconds  of  the  men. 
Before  this,  in  January,  1818,  Perry  had  writ- 
ten Commodore  Decatur  in  similar  vein,  stating 
that  he  had  determined,  because  he  had  violated 
the  rules  of  the  service,  to  give  Heath  a  meeting 
in  case  that  officer  called  upon  him,  but  adding 


THE  MEDITERRANEAN  237 


that  he  could  not  consent  to  return  his  fire,  as 
the  meeting  would  on  his  own  part  be  entirely 
an  atonement  for  the  violated  regulations.  At 
the  same  time  he  asked  Decatur  to  act  as  his 
friend,  should  the  meeting  take  place. 

The  meeting  occurred  October  19,  on  the 
Jersey  shore  of  the  Hudson.  There  Perry  re- 
ceived the  fire  of  Captain  Heath  without  re- 
turning it,  when  Decatur  stepped  forward  and 
declared  that  Perry  came  to  the  ground  with  a 
determination  not  to  return  Heath's  shot.  He 
read  Perry's  letter,  alluded  to,  and  added  that 
he  presumed  Captain  Heath  was  satisfied. 
Heath  acquiesced,  and  the  principals  and  other 
members  of  the  party  returned  to  New  York. 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  LAST  CRUISE 

IN  the  summer  of  1819,  Commodore  Perry- 
was  ordered  on  an  expedition  to  South 
America.  In  June  he  sailed  from  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  with  the  John  Adams,  ship  of  war,  and 
the  schooner  Nonsuch,  for  Angostura,  on  the  Ori- 
noco River,  the  capital  of  the  Republic  of  Vene- 
zuela. The  Commodore  arrived  at  the  River 
Orinoco  July  13.  He  had  difficulty  in  locating 
its  mouth,  then  little  known  to  mariners  and  not 
laid  down  correctly  in  any  American  charts. 
There  was  a  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  great 
stream  which  precluded  vessels  drawing  more 
than  sixteen  feet  of  water  from  passing  over  it. 
A  pilot  was  procured,  he  being  brought  aboard 
in  a  canoe  paddled  by  the  wretched  Indians  of 
that  region.  The  Nonsuch  proceeded  up  the 
river,  the  John  Adams  remaining  behind. 

It  was  a  wild,  picturesque  region  through 
which  the  Nonsuch  passed.  For  200  miles 
from  its  mouth,  record  the  old  historians,  the 


THE  LAST  CUUISE  239 


stream's  shores  were  uninhabited,  owing  to  the 
serious  inundations  to  which  they  were  con- 
stantly subjected.  The  banks  were  grown 
densely  with  live  oak,  mahogany,  cocoanut  and 
other  trees.  Such  was  the  depth  of  the  river 
close  inshore,  that  the  Nonsuch  was  frequently 
tied  to  a  tree,  where  the  men  could  readily 
jump  from  the  deck  to  dry  land.  The  ship 
proceeded  on,  through  monotonous  solitary 
miles,  through  days  that  swam  in  tropic  heat, 
through  nights  that  were  weird  with  the  strange 
cries  of  the  creatures  of  the  forest.  After  an 
interminable  time,  marked  by  the  dragging  dial 
of  loneliness,  the  vessel  passed  the  Indian  village 
of  Sanchopan,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 
with  its  regular  streets  and  buildings  of  clay 
and  palmetto  leaves.  Thirty  miles  above  was 
encountered  the  village  of  Baranchas,  comprised 
of  a  dozen  houses.  It  was  the  rendezvous  of  the 
patriot  force's  naval  outfit  upon  the  river, 
which  consisted  of  four  gunboats,  mustering  a 
total  armament  of  one  pathetic  gun  and  a 
combined  crew  of  fifty  men.  Commodore  Padi- 
sea,  the  commander  of  the  station,  boarded  the 
boat  at  this  point.  The  Nonsuch  proceeded, 
passing  Guyana,  100  miles  below  Angostura, 


240        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


with  its  fifty  houses  thatched  and  painted  red, 
its  ruinous  fort  at  the  foot  of  a  hill,  with  five 
guns ;  its  dilapidated  castle  on  the  summit,  with 
four.  Passing  St.  Michael  with  its  twenty 
houses,  immediately  below  Angostura,  the  Non- 
such finally  reached  the  latter  town,  firing  a 
salute  of  eighteen  guns.  The  artillery  of  the 
place  boomed  a  welcome  in  reply,  and  Com- 
modore Perry  and  his  officers  went  ashore,  being 
received  by  the  Vice-President  with  much  state. 

Angostura's  location  was  more  than  300 
miles  from  the  sea.  Being  at  the  head  of  sloop 
navigation,  and  situated  upon  the  declivity  of 
a  hill,  the  visiting  Americans  viewed  it  with. 
great  interest.  The  buildings  were  mainly  of 
brick,  the  houses  one  story  high,  with  tiled 
roofs  and  wooden  gratings,  the  mild  weather 
rendering  unnecessary  any  provision  against 
cold.  The  town  contained  10,000  inhabitants, 
a  considerable  number  of  whom  were  Creoles  and 
the  residue  Spaniards  and  Europeans. 

Then,  as  interminably  since,  Venezuela's  af- 
fairs were  troublous.  In  1811  a  considerable 
part  of  the  territory  now  known  by  that  name 
declared  itself  independent  of  Spain.  With  great 
difficulty  it  made  good  the  declaration,  till 


THE  LAST  CRUISE  241 


1815,  when,  and  the  year  following,  a  consider- 
able part,  both  of  Venezuela  and  New  Granada, 
was  reconquered  by  the  Spanish  General,  Mo- 
rillo.  In  1817,  the  spirit  of  independence  reas- 
serted itself,  and  the  next  year  a  systematic 
republican  government  was  established  at  An- 
gostura, with  Bolivar  at  its  head  as  President 
and  Commander  of  the  Armies.  The  United 
States  recognized  the  Government,  sending  a 
mission  to  it  in  1818,  and  another,  by  Perry, 
in  1819. 

The  Commodore  was  received  with  respectful 
official  attention  at  Angostura.  On  August  14, 
a  few  days  after  his  arrival,  he  and  the  other 
officers  of  the  Nonsuch,  received  an  invitation  to 
dine  with  the  Vice-President.  The  following  day, 
a  Sunday,  the  new  Constitution  of  the  republic 
was  adopted  and  signed,  amid  the  booming  of 
cannon.  The  republic  then  had  at  its  disposal 
an  entire  fleet  of  20  vessels,  consisting  of  brigs, 
schooners  and  gunboats. 

Commodore  Perry  discharged  his  Govern- 
ment's business  with  the  South  American  repub- 
lic to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  concerned, 
and  departed,  descending  the  river  in  a  tender, 

the  Nonsuch  having  left  previously.  Accounts 
i6 


( 


242        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


state  that  his  health  was  good  when  leaving 
Angostura,  but  upon  reaching  the  bar  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  he  was  suffering  slightly 
from  an  attack  of  fever.  He  boarded  the  Non- 
such, which  was  in  waiting,  and  the  schooner 
set  sail  for  Port  of  Spain,  in  the  Island  of 
Trinidad,  for  which  point  the  J ohn  Adams  had 
previously  sailed.  After  boarding  the  schooner 
Perry's  illness  grew  rapidly  worse,  the  fever 
increasing  daily.  It  played  havoc  with  his 
splendid,  vigorous  frame,  and  the  anxious  crew 
knew  too  well  that  the  grasp  of  disease  was 
deadly.  Every  attempt  was  made  to  hasten  to 
Port  of  Spain,  where  adequate  attendance  could 
be  had,  but  in  spite  of  all  efforts,  the  passage 
occupied  more  than  five  days.  The  Nonsuch 
finally  anchored  in  the  gulf.  The  fever  had 
reached  an  alarming  crisis.  Perry  was  tenderly 
removed  to  the  ship  of  war  John  Adams,  which 
was  in  waiting.  A  quarter  of  an  hour  later,  in 
the  evening  of  August  23  (his  birthday),  1819, 
after  thirty-four  years  of  a  life  whose  record 
spelled  heroism  and  well-doing,  the  grisly  hand 
of  death  stilled  the  beating  of  the  great,  stout 
heart,  and  the  intrepid  soul  passed  out  through 
the  shadows  into  the  Unseen. 


THE  LAST  CRUISE  243 


As  the  gallantry  which  inspired  his  life,  so  the 
dignity  and  fortitude  with  which  he  met  the 
inevitable  end;  the  slipping  out  into  the  mists 
of  the  Unknown.  Clear-eyed  and  sanely  con- 
scious at  the  last,  he  met  the  grim  visitor  with 
the  imperturbability  shown  on  that  memorable 
day,  years  gone,  upon  the  wide  water  in  the 
northland,  when  for  hours  he  faced  death  un- 
moved, death  that  seemed  miraculously  di- 
verted. That  day,  years  gone,  when  Death,  so 
subtly  ironical  in  his  dealings  with  the  dust  of 
the  quickened  flesh,  passed  the  hero  by  with 
but  the  ominous  shadow  of  black,  beating 
wings,  to  finally  reach  out,  when  peace  was 
compassed  and  ere  the  sun  of  the  great  life  had 
reached  its  meridian,  to  claim  his  silent  own  ! 

Alone,  with  kindred  afar,  near  shores  of  a  na- 
tion whose  subjugation  upon  the  wide  water  to 
the  Northward  had  won  for  him  an  undying 
fame,  the  Commodore  passed  away.  His  mourn- 
ing officers  prepared  to  convey  his  remains  to 
the  land  he  loved,  but  it  could  not  then  be 
done.  So,  on  the  ensuing  day,  at  five  in  the 
afternoon,  a  boat  left  the  John  Adams,  amid 
the  booming  of  minute  guns,  a  boat  in  which 
lay  the  inert  form  of  the  dead  commander.  It 


244        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


drew  near  to  the  King's  Wharf,  where  the  Third 
West  India  Regiment  was  in  waiting,  and,  as 
the  body  was  removed  to  the  wharf,  solemn 
minute  guns  roared  out  from  Fort  St.  Andrew. 
The  cortege  was  formed,  headed  by  the  civil 
authorities  and  the  troops  of  that  nation  which 
now  paid  honors  to  the  heroic  dead  with  whom 
its  sons  had  warred;  and,  with  the  regimental 
band  playing  the  Dead  March  from  Saul,  the 
officers  of  the  American  vessels,  the  crews  and 
citizens  of  the  town — which  latter  were  to  sub- 
sequently erect  a  monument  in  Port  of  Spain 
to  the  Commodore's  memory — marching  two 
and  two,  the  body  was  borne  slowly  to  the 
cemetery.  There  prayers  were  read  by  clergy, 
and  the  troops  fired  parting  volleys  of  musketry 
ere  they  left  him  to  rest  from  his  labors. 

4[f  ^ 
•TT  'TV'  'TV  •yv  •TV* 

Seven  years  later  the  United  States  sloop  of 
war  Lexington  visited  Port  of  Spain,  in  the 
Island  of  Trinidad.  When  she  quitted  it,  draw- 
ing out  again  into  the  deep,  she  bore  a  precious 
burden,  a  nation's  heritage  of  honored  dust. 
Steadily  she  sped  long  leagues  to  the  north- 
ward, where  the  nation  waited  to  receive  its 
own.    The  days  grew  gray  and  the  air  more 


THE  LAST  CRUISE  245 


chill  as  she  pushed  to  the  north,  for  it  was  late 
autumn.  And  finally,  on  the  27th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  vessel  entered  the  harbor  of  that  New- 
port her  slumbering  passenger  had  loved  so 
well,  that  spot  of  God's  earth  which  had  held 
for  him,  living,  the  dear  bourne  of  home,  and 
whose  silent  city  was  now  to  hold  him  dead. 

On  Monday,  December  4,  the  body  was  in- 
terred, with  befitting  honors,  in  the  Island 
cemetery,  where  the  State  of  Rhode  Island 
afterward  caused  to  be  erected  a  monument  of 
granite  to  his  memory.  It  stands  upon  a 
grassy  mound,  at  the  west  side  of  the  enclosure. 
The  remains  of  the  Commodore  and  the  deceased 
of  his  family  (whose  members  were  amply  pro- 
vided for  by  Congress  after  the  hero's  death) 
rest  at  the  base  of  the  shaft. 

So  ends  the  record  of  a  life  well  lived,  of  a 
country  well  served.  It  is  a  record  which, 
epitomized,  spells  but  a  simple,  unswerving 
devotion  to  duty;  patriotism  and  absolute 
courage  that  led  to  glorious  achievement  and 
the  winning  of  a  deathless  name;  indomitable 
perseverance  that  made  molehills  of  mountain- 
ous obstacles ;  splendid,  all-conquering  zeal  that 
rendered  the  human  weaknesses,  to  which  all 


246        OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY 


flesh  is  heir,  insignificant  and  unnoted  in  the 
grand  ensemble  of  the  man.  It  was  such  a  Hfe 
as  Uves  in  glowing  example  through  the  unnum- 
bered ensuing  generations  of  any  favored  nation 
which  can  boast  such  sons ;  a  life  whose  record 
fires  the  eye,  and  awakens  such  a  glorious 
tlirill  as  comes  with  the  sight  of  the  flinging  to 
the  breeze  of  that  flag  whose  crimson  stripes 
suggest,  so  eloquently,  the  blood  of  uncounted 
martyrs  shed  in  its  preservation;  a  life  of  such 
splendid  scope  and  power  and  fullness  as  to 
transmit  most  potently,  through  the  sum  of 
rolling  ages,  those  throbbing,  heroic  traditions 
which  are  the  nation's  heritage. 


